Luther's attempts to stop the abuse of indulgences.
A. Luther's warnings in sermons and in the confessional and Tetzel's behavior against them.
This is the story told by Myconius about how Luther first preached his sermons against indulgences in the old, small, dilapidated church of the Augustinian monastery in Wittenberg.
From Myconius' Reformation History, p. 24.
The preacher of indulgences, Tetzel, was still at Jüterbog, heretical, shouting and raging hostilely against Luther; but nevertheless it no longer wanted to sound and be valid in German ears as it had done. In Wittenberg, the Augustinian monastery had begun to be rebuilt, and no more was built than the Schlashaus, in which D. Martin still lives. The foundations of the church
had been laid, but were only level with the earth. In the middle of the same foundations stood an old chapel, built of wood and covered with glue. It was very dilapidated and was propped up on all sides. It was about thirty shoes long and twenty wide, as I saw it. It had a small, old, rusty church, on which 20 1) people could stand with difficulty. On the wall at noon there was a preaching stand made of old boards, which were uneven; a preaching stand made about one and a half cubits high from the ground. In sum, it looked everywhere like the painters painting the stable in Bethlehem where Christ was born. Thus the little church in which John Huss preached in Prague was also called Bethlehem. In this poor, miserable, wretched chapel, God has left his dear holy gospel and the dear child Jesus in these last times.
1) Instead of 20, it will probably read 200.
be born anew, and let it be unwrapped once, and show to all the world how beautiful, lovely, comforting and blessed a little child Jesus is, from whom we all take and receive our blessedness, payment for sins and eternal life. There was no minster, monastery or place of worship on earth at that time, of which there were many hundreds of thousands, that God would have mentioned for this purpose; indeed, they despise it, for only this poor, unsightly chapel. From this the spirit of the Lord's mouth came forth, and blew down the Antichrist. From this the holy grave, which is the holy scripture, which the pope had covered with guards, so that Christ would not rise, was won by Duke Friederichen, as the old prophecy read; and since he hung his shield on the tree, it became green again, Anno 1518.
In this church preached first D. Martinus preached and preached against indulgences, which was printed. Then another, which he called the freedom of the sermon, which he had previously preached against indulgences, was also printed. x) These were the first things about indulgences, and in them he explained how all teachings that were to be presented in Christendom were to be judged, justified and judged according to the divine word, which is more valid than the word, wit and wisdom of all men. According to the command of Christ: Oves meae vocem meam audient. Alienum non sequuntur, sed fugiunt ab eo. Item: Omnia probate, quod bonum est, tenete. Gal. 1: Si Angelus de coelo aliud evangelium evangelizaverit, quam quod accepistis etc., anathema sit. This was a new thing at that time and soon spread throughout the world. And in a short time this church became too small; and Doctori Martino was ordered to preach in the parish of Wittenberg. So the child Jesus was brought to the temple again.
Luther's own account of how he displayed one and another meaning about indulgences in the pulpit of the castle church in Wittenberg, for which he was not well received by the Elector.
The same can be read in his writing against Duke Heinrich zu Braunschweig, in the old edition of Walch, Vol. XVII, 1703, § 96 ff. This report is also inserted in our introduction to the 18th volume of the St. Louis edition, p. 10 b f.
x) Walch, St. Louis Edition, Vol. XVIII, 270 and 296.
Myconius reported how the people confessed to Luther about the letters of indulgence, and how Luther did not want to absolve them, and how Tetzel was enraged by this.
From Myconius' Reformation History, p. 21, reprinted in Löscher's Ref.-Acta, Vol. I, p. 431.
In the same year, some came to Doctore Martins in Wittenberg with their letters of indulgence, and confessed to him their mercy. And when they were given gross defaults, and let themselves be heard that they did not want to desist from adultery, fornication, usury, unrighteous property, and such sin and wickedness, the doctor did not want to absolve them, because no true repentance or correction was given there. Then the confessors appealed to their papal letters and Tetzlian pardon and indulgence. Martinus did not want to turn back on this, and invoked the saying: Nisi poenitentiam habueritis omnes similiter peribitis. Luc. 13 And when he would not absolve them, they went again to Tetzel and complained to him how this Augustinian monk would not give anything in response to their letter. Tetzel was at Jüterbog in Saxony, and became very angry about such a new newspaper, raged, scolded and maledicted atrociously on the preaching chair, and threatened the heretic masters, who were preacher monks at that time. And in order to frighten them, he had a fire lit in the marketplace several times a week, telling them how he had orders from the pope to burn the heretics who opposed the Most Holy One, the pope, and his Most Holy Indulgence.
This is the story of Mathesius about how modestly Luther initially opposed Tetzel's trade in indulgences; Tetzel, on the other hand, publicly raged against Luther, and how Luther further behaved against it.
From Mathesius, "Luther's Life" (St. Louis edition, p. 17), reprinted in Löscher's Ref.-Acta, vol. I, p. 432.
As Tetzel emphasizes in his Roman Getetzlich und Trügerei, many people ran to this indulgence fair and wanted to redeem grace and buy eternal life with their money. In his monastery, Luther began to warn his listeners against this money indulgence, and in the beginning he taught in a subtle and modest way: it would be better to give alms to poor people according to Christ's commandment.
because such uncertain grace can be bought for money. He who repents throughout his life and turns to God with all his heart receives the gracious and heavenly grace and forgiveness of all sins, which the Lord Christ has purchased for us through his one sacrifice and blood, and which he offers and sells without money out of pure grace, as is clearly described in Isaiah. In addition, he also began to ask and discuss these things in distant monasteries and universities, and because he was a doctor of the Holy Scriptures, he always based his cause on the words of the prophets and apostles. As such comes before the indulgence partier, who pricked Roman letters, wax and lead to good Schreckenberger, Spitzgröschle and gold florins, Tetzel begins to curse, scold, and call D. Luther an arch-heretic. Luther for an arch-heretic. Thus, this indulgence leader, with his presumptuous speeches and atrocious words of shame, puts Luther in his spiritual armor, so that he takes David's sling and the spiritual sword, which is a fervent prayer and the righteous word of God, for protection, and on his doctorate and oath attacks Tetzel and his Roman indulgence in the name of God, and confidently teaches that such indulgence is a dangerous fraud.
B. Luther appears publicly with his theses or disputation against indulgences and has a confident courage in doing so. How this debris was removed by friends and enemies.
109 Myconius reports how Luther wrote to the bishops of Meissen, Frankfurt, Zeitz, and Merseburg, and later also to the bishop of Mainz, Albrecht, and reminded them of their office to have an understanding, but afterwards, when he did nothing with them, he put his theses into print, and how quickly they passed through the whole of Christendom.
From Myconius' Reformation History, p. 22.
Doctor Martinus first wrote to four bishops, namely to the bishop of Meissen, the bishop of Frankfurt, the bishop of Zeitz and the bishop of Merseburg, and then also to the bishop of Mainz, Albrecht, reminding them that they owed it to their episcopal office to see to it that God's name was not so abused and blasphemed, that the poor people were not so miserable.
would be seduced. But the bishop of Mainz, Albrecht, despised it; so the others answered that they could not do anything against the pope's business. When Doctor Martin Luther saw that the bishops did not want to do anything about it, he wrote several propositions about indulgences: Dominus et Magister noster Christus dicens, poenitentiam agite, voluit omnem omnium hominum vitam esse poenitentiam, and had them printed, and only wanted to discuss with the scholars of the high school of Wittenberg what indulgences were, what they could do, where they came from, and how much they were valid etc. But before a fortnight had passed, these propositions had gone through the whole of Germany, and in four weeks almost the whole of Christendom, as if the angels themselves were messengers, and carried it before the eyes of all men. No one would believe how much talk there was about them; they were soon Germanized, and this trade pleased everyone very well, except the preaching monks and the bishop of Halle, and also some who enjoyed the pope's daily fare and made good use of the treasures of the earth that he had raised.
Meisner's account of the strange circumstance of how, from time immemorial, a great indulgence was granted in the castle church of Wittenberg around the feast of all the saints, that is, on the very day when Luther held his disputation.
From Meisner's "Wittenberg Jubelfest" published in 1668, p. 60, reprinted in Tentzel's "Bericht", Vol. I, p. 259.
The popes of Rome and other bishops have given excellent indulgences, as Pope Boniface IX promised in 1398 to all those who would devoutly visit this church on the feast of all saints and open their lenient hand, such an indulgence, which Christ himself should have given to the church of St. Mary in Assisi in Italy, that they should be cleansed of all sin and guilt immediately. Leo X did it too roughly, as will be seen from the following of his special bulls.
111) Two bulls given by Pope Leo in 1516, which contribute to the fact that a large number of people from far and wide come to this church.
the feast of all saints. In one of them he promises all pilgrims indulgences for 100 years; the other, however, reads from word to word in German:
From Meisner's Wittenberg! Jubelfest, in äix, p. 84.
Bishop Leo, the servant of the servants of God, to the constant remembrance of the cause. Carefully considering the salvation of the Lord's host, which is entrusted to our care according to the divine will, as the pastoral office entails: we willingly invite all and every believer of this host to the practice of godly and meritorious works by spiritual gifts, namely by pardons and indulgences, so that by means of the practice of such works they may all the more easily earn the eternal life which each one desires to attain. After Bonifacius the Eighth, whom we have to praise because of his good intention, which he led at that time, wanted that the Capellkirche of all the saints of the city of Wittenberg, Brandenburg diocese, which, as named Bonifacius learned, with the relics of many saints by some dukes in Saxony, The church should be reverently visited and maintained, and the believers in Christ should, for the sake of devotion, all the more gladly assemble at this church and lend a helping hand for its preservation, so that they may see themselves all the more richly filled with the heavenly gift of grace, and to all and every truly penitent and confessing believer in Christ, who will devoutly visit the said church on the feast of all saints from the first to the second evening of this feast every year and lend a helping hand for the preservation of the same, by means of certain pardons and remission of sins, which those who visit the church of St. Mary of Portiunculus will receive. Mary of Portiuncula, otherwise called the Chapel of Angelica, outside Assisi, on the first and second day of the month of August, obtained annually, by whatever means it may have been done; and nevertheless, in order that the faithful of Christ might benefit from this indulgence, the superior of this church at the time and eight other competent priests, both secular and regular, to be chosen by this provost every year, and to be empowered to hear the confessions of all and every faithful of Christ who make a pilgrimage to this church on the feast of all the saints and said days, in order to obtain such indulgences,
and, after hearing their confession, duly absolving them of their sins, allowed them to impose a salutary penance according to the nature of the crime, except in the case of such crimes where the apostolic see would have to be consulted, and to distribute the body of Christ. of blessed memory, as our predecessor, having learned that the beloved sons and noble lords, Frederick, Elector of the Holy Roman Empire, and John, Dukes of Saxony and brothers in the flesh, who profess a special devotion to this church, rebuilt the said church from the ground up and adorned it with many precious relics, so that a large number of the faithful in Christ could gather there for the sake of devotion, the bulls of this Boniface by his other letters of grace, with the granting of indulgences, the forgiveness of sins, and the authority to delegate preconceived confessors who could absolve and administer Holy Communion every year, as often as necessary, in any cases not reserved by the apostolic see, together with all the clauses contained therein, have been approved and confirmed by virtue of apostolic majesty, and the aforesaid parts have been confirmed anew, as is more extensively contained in the aforesaid Bulls, which the said predecessors Julius and Bonifacius have made valid for the future times. Since we therefore sincerely desire that this church be preserved in its structural condition and that its missals, chalices and other ornaments necessary for worship be protected and handled, and that the Christian faithful themselves all the more gladly offer their alms and make helpful contributions to it, so that it may receive all the more abundant gifts of grace: We consider all the aforementioned letters of grace, with all and every clause contained therein, to be acceptable; we also increase and extend the same by the present bull to the effect that all believers of both sexes who visit the aforementioned church throughout the Octave, including the feast day, and offer a helping hand to the aforementioned items, may always, as often as they do so, obtain indulgence and forgiveness. Also, that the deceased, who have decided their life united with Christ through love, as for those of their relatives or friends, during the Octave, such alms will be given for the often-mentioned use, just such an indulgence will be granted for the penitential exercises imposed on them, to which they are subjected in Purgatory according to the divine ordinance, and that thoughtful confessors will grant these believers in Christ, who are to them
confess their sins, from the ban and other judgments, censures and punishments pronounced against them by papal law or by a human being, and all other their sins, crimes, wickednesses and faults, they may be as gross and horrible as they wish, even if they are such that the apostolic see would have to be consulted about them; except such cases as are contained in the bulls published on Green Thursday; absolve them and impose on them a salutary penance for the sins they have committed, as well as all the vows they have made so far; the vow to travel across the sea to St. James in Compostella. The vow to travel across the sea to St. James in Compostella, the vow to enter a monastery, and the vow of chastity alone, into other works of godliness to be used for the benefit of the church. Further, that those who have taken property belonging to others, or have acquired something unlawfully and withheld it, if it does not exceed 500 ducats, and the person to whom it should be returned is not known, if they or someone of their number have made a bequest, which is to be left to the discretion of the confessors and applied for the benefit of the same church, may in good conscience and lawfully retain and possess such property from that time forth freely and without offense. That finally also the confessors may exempt those who, in the fourth degree of consanguinity and affinity, have married each other unknowingly and have consummated their marriage by carnal intermarriage, if such obstacle standing in the way had not yet been raised in court, or if the same had caused any public annoyance, from such transgression and from the banishment ray, after a salutary penalty has been imposed upon them according to the nature of their fault, which is also applied for the aforementioned benefit, and to dispense those thus joined that they may secretly marry again and remain in such a state of marriage freely and without decency, solely in the ecclesiastical court, and may and may declare their children produced or yet to be produced from such marriage to be legitimate and conjugally begotten children. We hereby resolve and declare that, if anyone should in any way afflict the persons absolved and dispensed by the said confessors on account of their remitted and dispensed crimes, sins and transgressions, and should wish to put anything in the way of the confessors themselves in the aforesaid matters, he would thereby render himself guilty of excommunication, of which he shall be excommunicated by no one but ourselves and the Roman See, except in the case of death.
(1) and among which the present Bull, with any withholding of indulgences and property for the building of the main church of the Prince of the Apostles in the city of Rome, or other still godly works endowed by us and the said See at the present time, shall by no means be included, Nor are they to be understood as such, regardless of the preceding apostolic decrees, as well as everything that the aforementioned Julius, our predecessor, and Bonifacius did not want to be considered in the more recent bulls of grace, and other things contrary to this. Therefore, no man shall be at liberty to invalidate this writing of our extension and conclusion, or to act contrary to it in a careless manner. But if anyone should undertake such a thing, let him know that he will fall into the disfavor of Almighty God and of His blessed Apostles Peter and Paul. Given in Rome at St. Peter's in the year after the Incarnation of our Lord 1516, March 31, our Pontificate in the fourth year.
Meisner's more distant account of the great pilgrimage brought about by the Bull of Indulgence.
to Wittenberg.
From Meisner's Wittenberg: Jubelfest, p. 60, reprinted in Tentzel's Hist. report, Vol. I, p. 259.
What wonder was it that on the Day of All Saints many people from near and far came in droves, but most of all adulterers, thieves, murderers, and death-rowers, who could be absolved of the greatest sins at once? Other pious people of spiritual and worldly rank, who were troubled in their conscience, also came along, and looked at the shrine with great reverence and wonder, kissed and worshipped it, did everything that was required of them; and when they left again, they were happy in spirit, and did not travel any differently than if they were completely pure of angels.
Luther's account of the weakness, fear and stupidity with which he began the matter, not out of pride and insolent presumption, but out of a pure and sincere desire to come to the knowledge of the truth.
See the "Preface to the Theses, about which disputirt worden ist von Anfang der Reformation bis zum Jahre 1538", in the 14th volume of the St. Louis edition, Col. 450 ff.
1) There seems to be something missing here.
Luther's letter to Albrecht, Archbishop of Mainz, in which he asks him to put a stop to the insolent indulgence hawks, and at the same time sends him his theses. Date 31 Oct. 1517.
Joh. Erh. Kapp, "Sammlung", p. 292 and in De Wette, Vol. I, p. 67. Burkhardt also obtained a certified copy and notes in his "Luthers Briefwechsel", p.7, that the same is "without significant deviations from the print" (in De Wette). According to De Wette, it is printed in the Erlangen "Luthers Briefwechsel," vol. I, p. 113. A redaction that differs in some parts is found in Latin in the Wittenberg edition (1550), tom. I, col. 92b; in the Jena (1579), tona. I, col. 1b; in Aurifaber, torn. I, col. 37 b; and in the Erlanger, oxp. var. arZ., torri. I, p. 282. Latin and German in Löscher's Ref.-Acta, vol. I, p.476, In German, probably in a translation by Justus Jonas, in the Wittenberger (1569), vol. IX, p. 8; in the Jenaer (1564), vol. I, p. 6; in the Altenburger, vol. I, p. 13 and in the Leipziger, vol. XVII, p. 5. Walch has taken the translation improved by Kapp according to the original, together with his notes. This faithfully reproduces the meaning, so we have retained it, with the exception of a few changes. The notes marked with letters originate from Kapp.
Translated into German.
To fear in humility and obedience the most reverend Father in Christ, the most noble Lord, Lord Albrecht, Archbishop of the Church of Magdeburg and Mainz, Primate, Margrave of Brandenburg etc., my most gracious Lord and Shepherd in Christ.
Jesus.
God's grace and mercy, and what I am and can do. Most Reverend in God Father, Most Serene Prince! Your C. F. Graces graciously grant me that I, among other people the least and least worthy, am so presumptuous that I have refrained from writing a letter to Your Reverence. The Lord Jesus is my witness that I am not unaware of how lowly and despised I am; for this reason I have also withheld my letter for a long time.
which I now intend to accomplish with a bold brow. I have been moved to do so primarily by my faithful service, which I, most reverend Father in Christ, recognize myself to owe to E. C. F.'s grace. Your Reverence would, however, have a merciful eye on me, who am earth and ashes, and graciously understand and hear my desire for your and the bishop's gentleness.
The papal indulgences under the name and title of E. C. F. Grace for the building of St. Peter's Cathedral in Rome are being circulated in the country, in which I do not so much punish and accuse the indulgence preachers of great clamor, which I have not heard, as the false reasoning, which the people draw from it and which they praise highly to the coarse people everywhere. This in particular grieves and offends me, namely that the wretched people allow themselves to be persuaded and believe, when they buy indulgences, that they are sure and certain of their salvation. Likewise, that the souls leave purgatory without delay as soon as they put them in the box. Further, that this indulgence is so powerful that no sin can be so great (indeed, as they blasphemously speak of it, even if it were possible that one had weakened the highly praised Mother of God),a ) it could be remitted and forgiven. Item, that through this indulgence the person becomes free and rid of all chastisement and guilt. b)
Oh dear God! In this way, the poor souls under your reverence and care, dear pious father, are instructed to death, not to life, and a very strict and heavy account, which grows and grows, will be demanded from you for all these souls. For this reason I have
a) That Luther did not attribute anything to the insolent Tetzel has been proven by Hugo Wismeidern in a special writing, the title of which I have quoted in my "Schauplatz", p. 70.
b) This expression is also found in letters of indulgence, which were sold long before the Reformation, even shortly before the same find. In the letter of the monastery Königlutter to the archbishop's councillors because of the Tetzelian suspension of his indulgence fin this volume Col. 349 ff], the power to forgive chastisement and guilt is also attributed to the indulgence, when it says Col. 350: So dat alle Christlövige Mynschen, de vmme Aflath willen in vnse Closter in dem Feste Ksnotorum?6tri 6t Vauli come, all Aflath, dat tho Rome in allen Kerken, Klüsen vnd Klufften vnd Kapllen, was tho ewigen tyden, mit vorgewinge Pine und Schuld erlangen möchten etc.
cannot conceal this any longer. For man is not assured of his blessedness by any bishop's office or work, because he is not assured of it by God's infused grace, but the apostle commands us to always work with fear and trembling that we may be saved. Even the righteous will hardly receive. Finally, the way that leads to life is so narrow that the Lord, through the prophets Amos and Zechariah, calls those who are to be saved a fire that is torn out of the fire. The Lord also proclaims from time to time how difficult it is to be saved.
How, then, do they make the people safe and fearless by those false fables and vain promises of indulgences? Since indulgences are of no use to souls, much less help to make man righteous and blessed, but only take away the outward chastisement or punishment which was formerly interpreted according to the canons.
The works of godliness and love are infinitely better than indulgences, and yet they are not preached with such splendor or diligence; indeed, they must give way to indulgences in silence and without being preached, so that only indulgences may be proclaimed and highly praised, while the primary and sole office of all bishops is that the people learn the gospel and the love of Christ. Thus Christ has nowhere commanded to preach indulgences, but to preach the gospel he has emphatically commanded. What an abomination, therefore, what a danger for a bishop who, while the Gospel is kept silent, allows nothing but indulgences to be preached among his people with great pomp, and is more concerned about them than about the Gospel! Will not Christ say to you, "You who are gnats and swallow cameos?
Moreover, most reverend Father in the Lord, it does not remain so, but in the Instruction of the Commissaries, which went out under your name, most reverend Father, it is indicated (without doubt, most reverend Father, without your knowledge and will) that of the most distinguished graces is this inestimable gift of God, by which man is reconciled to God and all punishments of the sweeper are eradicated.
be. c) Likewise, that repentance is not necessary for those who redeem souls or letters of confession. d)
But what else can I do, most reverend bishop and most electoral prince, but that I ask Your Reverence through the Lord Jesus Christ. Reverend by the Lord Jesus Christ, that you will keep an eye of paternal care on this matter, and that you will remove the same booklete ), and that you will order the preachers of indulgences to preach in another way or form, lest perhaps one of them should stand out, who refutes both them and that book by published books, to the highest disgrace of your most noble highness, for which I am truly very afraid, and yet worry that it might happen where the matter is not hastily advised.
Your Most Serene Grace will graciously accept this small but faithful service of mine in a princely and episcopal manner, that is, as I show it with a completely faithful and entirely devoted heart to Your Reverence. For I, too, am a part of your host. The Lord Jesus protect and preserve Your Reverence forever, Amen. Given at Wittenberg 1517, on the evening before All Saints' Day.
If it pleases Your Reverence, you may look at these disputations of mine, so that you may hear how the opinion of indulgences is an uncertain thing, which the preachers of indulgences dream of as if it were quite certain.
[E. C. F. G.] unworthy son Martinus Luther, Augustinian, appointed Doctor of the Holy Doctrine of God.
On the back the original has the note: Letter Doctoris Martini, St. Augustine Order, to our Most Reverend Lord, opened at Kalbe by the Räth? Tuesday after Briccii f17 Nov.) Anno Domini 1517.
I have seen for myself that the present letter corresponds to the original. S. Leyonmarck,
Secret. of the Royal Archives.
c) These words are found in the Archbishop Albrecht summar. Instruct. 19 6 in my "Collection", p. 143 fin this volume Col. 311 f.). Luther draws the same in the 33rd thesis of his Resolutiouis 6ispx. 6s virtuts iuckulseutiarum. sWalch, St. LouisenAusg., vol. XVIII, 204 fs.).
d These words are also in the summary Instruction 37, as I have already quoted them in my "Schauplatz" p. 89 (in this volume Col. 317).
e) That Luther is aiming here at the Summarium Instructivuem is undisputed.
Luther's letter to John Lang, with which he sends him his theses, from which his joy in God and his confident courage to bring the truth to light without asking for human judgment shine forth. Nov. 11, 1517.
This letter is found in Aurifaber, vol. I, p. 40d; in Löscher's Ref.-Acta, vol. I, p. 837; in De Wette, vol. I, p. 71 and in Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol. I, p. 124. We have retranslated after Aurifaber.
Newly translated into German.
To the righteous and upright man of God, Johann Lang, Licentiate of Holy Theology, Augustinian Hermit at Erfurt, his dear friend in Christ.
Jesus.
Hail in Christ! Behold, my dear venerable Father in Christ, I am sending you again strange propositions (paradoxa). If now also your theologians should be annoyed at these and say (as then all talk about me here and there) that I am too bold and hopeful in making my judgment rashly and condemn the opinions of others, then I answer through you and through this letter: first, that their well-considered restraint and their long hesitating seriousness please me very well, if they also proved the same in fact, just as they reproach recklessness and abrupt presumption in me. For, as I see, such a fault in me is very easily reproached by them.
But I wonder why they do not look at their Aristotle with the same eyes, or if they look at him, how they do not see that Aristotle is almost in every sentence and part of a sentence nothing else than a blamer, yes, a blamer above all blamers. If, therefore, that pagan is still liked, read, and quoted, without the error of the most biting presumption preventing it: how is it that I, who am a Christian, am so disliked, especially since I have a little of the kind in me that is similar to that of the exceedingly gentle Aristotle? Or is there a drop of error in me, of which a whole sea is pleasing to Aristotle?
Then I wonder why they do not hate and despise themselves in the same way.
dam. For what are these scholastics against each other but loud critics, people like Aristarchus, one a reprover against the other? They are allowed and like it to judge the opinions of all, I am forbidden the same 1) altogether. Finally, I also complain about this: if they dislike my expression of opinion so much, and they rather praise modesty: why don't they also refrain from judging me? why don't they wait more modestly for the outcome of the matter? You see, then, how we men are (that is, quite unreasonable), so that we always hasten to pull out splinters from the eye of our brothers, but in the meantime take pleasure in the beams in our eyes, even in what concerns this life; so also the gnat in another's eye as a vice, which is nevertheless a camel in us, but we swallow it as if it were the highest virtue.
Therefore you shall know that I do not respect these night spirits of the tadlers higher than ghosts (namely they belong to the kind), and I will not be moved by what may seem good to them or not. Of my boldness or modesty I know quite certainly that if I will be modest, the truth will not become more valuable through my modesty, but if I will be bold, it will not become less valuable through my boldness. This is all I ask of you and your theologians in the most urgent way, that for the time being they keep silent about the author's infirmities, and that I find out what they think about what I have published or about the theses, yes, even more, that the errors and mistakes be pointed out to me, if there are any in them. For who does not know that something new cannot be put forward without hopefulness, or at least without the appearance of hopefulness and the suspicion of the pernicious? For if humility itself begins something new, those who disagree with it will soon accuse it of being arrogant. For why was Christ killed, why were all the martyrs killed, why were the teachers hated? Certainly only because one
1) Instead of tzicttzm in all editions we have assumed.
They have been regarded as hopeful people and despisers of the old and famous wisdom or prudence, or because they have put forward such new dictums without the advice 1) of those who held to the old.
Therefore, I do not want them to expect such humility (that is, hypocrisy) from me that they think I have to make use of their counsel and decision before I publish it; I do not want what I am doing to be done by a man's discretion or counsel, but by that of God. For if the work is of God, who will hinder it? But if it is not of God, who can promote it? Holy Father, who art in heaven, let not my will be done, nor that of men, nor our will, but thine, Amen.
Finally, remember that you pray diligently for me, as I pray for you, that our Lord Jesus may help us and bear with us our trials, which are unknown to all men except us. Farewell. From our Wittenberg monastery. 1517 on the day of St. Martin [Nov. 11], the bishop.
Brother Martin Eleutherius [the free], rather a servant and all too much a prisoner, Augustinian at Wittenberg.
Aesticampianus 2) is now with us public professor of humanistic sciences and receives his salary from the prince.
Luther's report to Spalatin that the abbot of the monastery of Lehnin had been to him on behalf of the bishop of Brandenburg and had asked him to hold off for a while on issuing his "Explanations," at whose coaxing he also wanted to sit quietly.
End of March 1518.
See Appendix, No. 1, 2. 3.
1) Instead of eoneilio in the other editions, we have adopted eonsilio with the Erlangen correspondence, also immediately following.
2) Johann Rack from Sommerfeld (therefore
nu8) in Neumark, humanist, formerly in Cologne and there in dispute with Hochstraten, then in Leipzig and Freiburg, from where he came to Wittenberg in 1517. He was inscribirt on 20 October (^Ibum Vited. p. 67) as: 4o5anne8 RUnAiuk Lktieumpiunus RststOr 6t kosta I^nursntus, 8N6rarurn litsrarnrn Doctor, prirnukHUs Dlinianas kruditionis pudlieus 6t orclinariu8 prot688or, Dioe. iVli8U6n. 20 Ootodr. He died at Wittenberg on May 31, 1520 (Erl. Briefwechsel, vol. I, p. 126).
117 Luther's report of this to Wenceslaus Link.
July 10, 1518.
See Appendix, No. 2, § 5.
Luther's account of how the superiors of his order wanted to make him hard-headed and fainthearted because of the theses he had posted. See St. Louis Edition, Vol. V, Col. 1204.
Luther's report to Lang that the indulgence merchants were issuing counter-theses against him.
March 21, 1518.
See Appendix, No. 3, § 2.
Excerpt from the Facultätsbuche of the University of Greifswald, how at Tetzel's disputation a young student named Knipstrow, since the other professors did not want to bite the fox, masterfully opposed the indulgence and completely silenced Tetzel.
From the Facultätsbuche of the University of Greifswald reprinted in Joh. Or^x1ii8rva1cl6N8ium (1703) and thereafter in Löscher's Ref.-Acta, vol. II, p. 8. Seckendorf, Ilmt. Dutü., 1il>. Ill, p. 139 writes the name "Knipstroh", likewise Köstlin.
Luther's sentences came at the same time with Tetzel to the new University of Frankfurt, where the matter was pursued and investigated with unequal zeal. For D. Conr. Wimpina, the theology professor, had made contradictions, and had given them to Tetzel to dispute about. When almost all the other professors agreed with them, finally Joh. Knipstrow, a studiosus theologiae at that academy, stood up and bravely opposed these theses, and the matter came to such a point that, since the opponents saw themselves overmastered, they could no longer stand the young man and, in order to dissuade him from this zeal, took him away and sent him to Pyritz, whereupon, however, Knipstrow became the longer the more heated and zealous.
Luther's account of the burning of Tetzel's theses in Wittenberg, in which he denies the guilt of the burning and expresses his displeasure, but is also "concerned" that, since he is believed to be the author of this matter, his danger will become even greater.
See Appendix, No. 3, § 3 and the 131st Document, § 7.
122. narration, how great joy D. Fleck in his monastery at Steinlausig, hei Bitterfeld an der Mulde, at the first sight of the disputation
Luther's opposition to indulgences.
From the Flacius eutuloZ. tsstium vorit., p. 836.
Translated into German.
A certain monk, named Fleck, whom the venerable D. Amsdorf knew very well, stayed in the monastery Steinlausig, not far from Bitterfeld, and never wanted to say mass. Since he was accused of laziness, he pretended that he had other reasons for this. It was in the dining hall that he first saw Luther's sentences on indulgences. Although one was not allowed to speak a word there, he nevertheless laughed, jumped up with joy (he was tall and rather corpulent), and said: "Ha, ha, ha! he has come who will do it to you; but among them he understood the monks and priests. From this we see that this man, even before Luther preached against indulgences, had hoped for the redemption of Israel from the Babylonian captivity of the Antichrist. Lutherus makes his report in the preface to the Alkoran of the Minorites, 1) and thinks that the monks had persecuted him tremendously, D. Martin, of blessed memory, once said of this honest little monk: "I am fond of Flecken, because he was a man full of consolation, also his words were exceedingly consoling. As soon as I had my sentences printed, he wrote a very beautiful letter to me; I wanted to give ten guilders for it, so that I would still have it. The content was something like this: "Venerable Doctor, go ahead and carry out your project. For I, too, disliked these papal abuses at best. The monks were also angry with him. For he said to Steinlausig: "He is there who will do it. So he never held a mass, which was a good sign.
123) Narrative of how Georg von Zedlitz, Lord of Neukirch in Silesia, where God's word had been loud and pure from Johann Hussen's time on under his father Siegmund von Zedlitz, a sworn enemy of the clergy, when he heard that a monk in Wittenberg had begun to write and teach.
1) Walch, St. Louis Edition, vol. XIX, 1962,? 3. See also Mathesius, St. Louis Edition, p. 19.
against the papacy, sent two deputies to Luther, who had to ask him whether he was the swan of which Johann Hus prophesied? and what Luther had given them as an answer. 1518.
From Tentzel's Hist. report, Vol. I, p. 348. Tentzel notes that this story took place in 1518.
At the Concilio in Costnitz, there was also one of Zedlitz, named Siegmund, whom the papists subsequently always hostile, scolded as a Hussite heretic, put him under ban almost everywhere, even in the countryside, and thereby gave cause for him to hostile them again, to have a special prison built for them in Neukirch under the ground without windows, so that they could not know whether it was night or day, and he took those who had put him under ban on roads and footpaths, even from their beds with his people, into such a prison, and had his fun with them, that his ban was much stronger, as they themselves found, than theirs; But he did no harm to anyone's body, as did Köckritz, who had many of them castrated; and because the papacy at that time did not have as much power with fist and sword as it did afterwards, they had to leave him unchastised, even after they had banned him, and there had been great trouble in Bohemia because of religion, the monasteries were torn apart, the monks, priests and nuns were driven out, and many of them were killed. Therefore he also led a rhyme, and wrote it everywhere, as is customary: God's friend, the bishop of Breslau and enemy of all priests; below his name, Siegmund von Zedlitz. This rhyme was also used by Duke Christian of Brunswick during the Thirty Years' War, and was stamped on the well-known thalers: God's friend, the priests' enemy. The above-mentioned Siegmund left behind an only son, named Georg, who was born in 1444 and died at a ripe old age, after having raised a hundred and some eighty children up to the fourth generation. He died in 1552. When he heard that a monk in Wittenberg had begun to write and teach against the papacy, he sent two subjects, called widowers, reasonable people, out to him in 1518, greeting him diligently and asking whether he was the swan of which Johann Hus had predicted. To which he replied: Time would tell what God would want to do with him.
Luther's report on how his good friends, especially Carlstadt, did not agree with him. 15 Feb. 1518.
See Appendix, No. 4, § 4.
Luther's relation of the fury of his enemies and how they shouted in all the pulpits that he must be burned as a heretic in fourteen days or four weeks at the longest.
March 21, 1518.
See Appendix, No. 3, § 2 and No. 4, § 4.
Luther writes to Spalatin how he is not deceived that people speak ill of him and consider him worthy of banishment and church censures, but rather rejoices because he is convinced that his cause is from God and is not at all afraid of men.
Jan. 14, 1519.
See Appendix, No. 5, § 2. 3.
Luther's letter to Pope Leo X concerning his disputation on indulgences, with the transmission of his resolutions, so that he would be all the more secure under papal protection.
[May 30, 1518.]
This letter is the dedicatory writing by which Luther assigns his liesoIntionoL äispututionurn de inckulMntinrum virtuts (St. Louis edition, vol. XVIII, 102 ff.) to the pope. He expresses the hope that he will thus be all the more secure under the protection of the papal name. Luther sent this letter together with the resolutions (handwritten, because they did not appear in print until August 1518) with a letter dated May 30 to his vicar of the order, Johann von Staupitz, for forwarding to the pope. These two letters are therefore prefixed to the rssoMtiones in the Latin editions. In the collection of Lutheran writings published by Johannes Frobenius in Basel, in all editions, namely October 1518, February 1519, August 1519, and March 1520, the letter to Staupitz comes first and is followed by Our Letter. Likewise in voet. Llartini I^utUsrii Ineudrntionurn pni-g now, Lasilsas npuck Xcknrn no LI. D. XX LIenKk 3ulio. The letter to Leo X is p. 2. In the "Gesammtausgabe" in the Wittenberg (1550), tom. I,H. 100I>; in the Jena one (1579), tom. I, lol. 741); in the Erlanger, opp. vnr. nrS., torn. II, p. 132; in the Weimar one, vol. I, p. 527. Further, in Löscher's Ref.-Acta, vol. II, p. 176; in Aurifaber, tona. I, lol. 68N; in De Wette, vol. I, p. 119 and in the Erlangen "LuthersBriefwechsel," vol. I, p. 200. German
in the Wittenberg (1569), vol. IX, p. 2IN; 1) in the Jena (1564), vol. I, p. 56; in the Altenburg, vol. I, p. 66; in the Leipzig, vol. XVII, p. 115 and in Walch. We have retranslated according to Weimar's. The date set above is not in the original, but Conjectur from the letter to Staupitz.
Newly translated from the Latin.
To the Most Holy Father, Leo X, Pope, Brother Martin Luther, Augustinian, wishes eternal salvation.
Most holy Father! I have heard a very evil rumor that has come upon me, from which I understand that some friends have made my name stink very badly before you and yours, as if I had presumed to diminish the prestige and authority of the keys and the pope; therefore, I am accused of being a heretic, an apostate, a faithless one, and of being called by a thousand names, yes, with disgrace. My ears are ringing, my eyes are flickering. But the one rock of my good confidence stands firm, my innocent and quiet conscience. And I hear nothing new. For with such excellent adornment have also in our country these quite honorable and truthful people adorned me, that is, those who have a very evil conscience, who strive to expose their abominations to me, and to glorify their shameful deeds with my disgrace. But you will deign, most holy Father, to hear the matter for yourself from me, who am a child and clumsy.
In recent times, the Jubilee of the Apostolic Indulgence began to be preached in our country, and this became so rampant that the preachers of it, thinking that everything was free to them under the terror of your name, dared to teach quite ungodly and heretical things publicly, to the great annoyance and ridicule of the ecclesiastical authorities, as if the decrees about the abuses of the indulgence preachers did not concern them at all. And not content with spreading their venom with the most impudent words, they also published books 2) and
1) This evidence for the Wittenbergers is given only in the Erlangen correspondence; that for the Jenaers is missing everywhere.
2) This refers to Docummte No. 72 and 79 in this volume, Albrecht's Instruction for the Untercommissarien and Tetzel's Instruction for the priests.
they spread among the people. In them, to say nothing of the insatiable and outrageous greed, which almost every single point is most grossly redolent of, they have brought forth the very same ungodly and heretical things, and have brought them forth in such a way that they have bound the confessors with an oath to inculcate these very things most faithfully and urgently among the people. I tell the truth, and there is nothing by which they can hide from this heat. The books are there, and they cannot deny them. And this went well with them at that time, and the people were sucked by false hopes, so that, as the prophet sMicha 3, 2.] says, they flayed the flesh from their legs, but in the meantime they themselves grazed in the richest and sweetest way.
One thing was available, with which they quenched the agitations, namely the terror of your name, threats of death by fire and the disgrace of the heretical name. For it is incredible how much they are at hand with these things, threatening them, even if they only notice a contradiction in their loose things, which are nothing but empty delusion. Surely this does not mean: to appease arousal, but rather to arouse divisions and finally sedition with mere tyranny.
But nevertheless, in the taverns the stories of the greed of the priests and the rumors about the keys and the pope increased more and more, as the common speech of this whole country is witness to. But I was inflamed, as I confess, by zeal for Christ or, if one prefers, by youthful heat; but I saw that it was not in my power to set or do anything in these matters. Therefore, I privately admonished several great men of the churches. 1) Here I was accepted by some, to others I was a mockery, to others I appeared still different, because the terror of your name and the threat of the church punishments kept the upper hand.
1) Namely the Archbishop of Mainz and the Bishops of Brandenburg, Meissen, Frankfurt, Zeitz and Merseburg. Cf. Documente No. 109 and 114 in this volume. Table Talks, Cap. 31, 8 7. St. Louis edition, vol. XXII, 983.
hand. Finally, since I could do nothing else, I thought it best to at least work against them in a very gentle way, that is, to cast doubt on their teachings and to arrange a disputation about them. So I issued a disputation note and invited only the scholars to negotiate with me about it, as must also be obvious to the opponents from the preface to this very disputation.
Behold, this is the conflagration of which they complain that the whole world is set on fire by it, perhaps because they are unwilling that I, as a hasty unifier, who am a teacher of divine doctrine by your apostolic power, have the right to dispute in public school, according to the custom of all universities and the whole church, not only about indulgences, but also about divine power, divine forgiveness and divine indulgences, which are incomparably higher things. But it does not move me much that they begrudge me this power, which was given to me by the power of your holiness, since I am forced to begrudge them much greater things against my will, namely, that they mix the tears of Aristotle in the middle of the matters of theology, and argue about the divine majesty, against and over the power that is given to them.
Furthermore, what fortune alone has driven these disputations of mine before all others, not only mine, but also those of all teachers, so that they have gone out to almost all countries, that is a miracle to me. For they were published by our people and only for the sake of our people, and published in such a way that it is unbelievable to me that they are understood by everyone. For they are disputations, not teachings, not doctrines, which, as is the custom, are dark and enigmatic. Otherwise, if I could have presumed, I would certainly have taken care, as much as lies in me, that they would be easier to understand.
Well, what should I do? I cannot retract, and I see that this publication has created an extraordinary hatred against me. I am reluctant to come into the public eye and under the extremely dangerous and
I am not a man of the same mind, because of the manifold judgments of men, especially since I am unlearned, limited and uneducated; then in our exceedingly prosperous time, which, with its good prosperity in the sciences and many good minds, could drive even a Cicero into the corner, who has otherwise confidently stepped out into the light and the public. But necessity forces me to cackle goose among the swans.
Therefore, in order that I may both pacify my adversaries and fulfill the desire of many, behold, I send forth my little work, in which I explain my disputations; but I omit them, most holy Father, that I may be more secure under the protection of your name and under the shadow of your covering. From this all who wish may see how pure and simple-minded I have sought and cultivated ecclesiastical authority and reverence for the keys, and at the same time how unreasonably and falsely the adversaries have disgraced me in so many ways. For if I were such a person as they want me to be regarded, and if everything had not been done correctly by me out of the power to dispute, it would have been impossible for the most illustrious Prince Frederick, Duke of Saxony, Elector of the Empire etc., to allow such a plague at his university, since he is above many others a special lover of Catholic and apostolic truth, nor would I have been able to suffer the very strict and highly learned men of our school. But I give myself unnecessary trouble, since those exceedingly lovely people are not afraid to sully with me also the prince and the university with the same disgrace. Therefore, most holy father, I fall at the feet of your holiness and surrender to you with all that I am and have. Make alive, kill, call, revoke, approve, disapprove, as it may please you. Thy voice I will acknowledge as the voice of Christ, who reigns and speaks in thee. If I deserve death, I will not refuse to die. For the earth is the Lord's and all that is therein [Ps. 24:1], who is blessed for ever and ever, Amen, who also upholdeth thee for ever and ever, Amen. In the year 1518.
Luther's letter to Hieronymus Scultetus, Bishop of Brandenburg, in which he sends him his resolutiones. Probably on February 6, 1518.
This letter is found in Latin in the Wittenberg edition (1550), toua. I, col. 98b;*in the Jena (1579), toM. 1, toi. 72 d; in Aurifaber, tom. I, toi. 63 d; in Löscher's Ref.-Acta, vol. II, p. 173; in De Wette, vol. I, p. 112; in Kapp's "Sammlung," p. 390; in the Erlanger^ opp. vur. ur^., tom. II, x". 126 and in the Erlanger "Briefwechsel," vol. I, p. 148. German in the Wittenberger (1569), vol. IX, p. 19; in the Jenaer (1564), vol. I, p. 52b; in the Altenburger, vol. I, p. 63; in the Leipziger, vol. XVII, p. 114, also in Kapp's "Sammlung." We have taken the presumed date of this letter from the Weimar edition of Luther's works, Vol. I, p. 522 f.. The reasons for this assumption are not given there, as v. Enders notes in the Erlangen correspondence, but if one adds what the Erlangen edition brings for its own dating, February 13, then it is easy to see that Knaake will be right with his assumption. The Wittenberg and the Jena editions, both the Latin and the German, have the date Lubbutbo HxuucU, which Aurifaber has changed into Kubbutbo LxuucU. The latter has been assumed by Tentzel, Bericht, vol. I, p. 345, by Löscher, De Wette and the Erlangen edition opp. vur. and resolved by "22 May". The Erlangen correspondence, which followed a Dresden manuscript, has neither year nor date in the text. Enders assumes rm original had stood 8ubbutbo bx. which was read by the editor of the Wittenberg edition in Lx and resolved by Lxuuäi. Knaake will have made the same assumption, and he correctly resolved the above date by: "Saturday before Sexagesimä", which is February 6, while the Erlanger incorrectly resolved by: "Saturday after Sexagesimae." In analogous cases, Enders without hesitation took the former type of resolution from De Wette, Burkhardt, Seidemann etc. into the correspondence, e.g. Vol. I, p. 315; Vol. IV, p. 124, p. 125; Vol. V, p. 157, No. 912. So much is certain, in any case, that the correct date of our letter can be neither the Sainstag before nor after Exaudi, which is the 15th. On March 5, Luther wrote to Scheurl that the Bishop of Brandenburg, whom he had consulted about the reasons for his theses, had not yet given him a reply after a long time, because he was prevented from doing so by many things. At the end of March 1518, Luther wrote to Spalatin that the Abbot of Lehnin had negotiated with him on behalf of the bishop (No. 116 in this volume), and asked him to postpone the publication of the resolutions. Luther promised this, but was soon released from his promise. We translate according to the Erlangen correspondence, which has some advantages over the text of the old editions. In the old translation there are several quite absurd things.
Newly translated from the Latin.
To the reverend Father and Lord in Christ, to the Lord Jerome, Bishop of the Church at Brandenburg, his exceedingly kind and especially gracious Lord, (wishes) Brother Martin Luther, Augustinian (at Wittenberg, salvation). 1)
Since recently, beloved bishop, new and unheard-of teachings about papal indulgences had begun to be preached in our region, so that both very many learned and unlearned people were astonished and moved, I was asked by many, both acquaintances and those who were unknown to me by reputation, in many letters and conversations, what I thought of these new (not to say impertinent) speeches. For a while I was reluctant; finally they pressed me with sharp disputations, so that even the reverence for the pope was endangered.
But what was I to do? It was not for me to establish anything in this matter, and I shied away from contradicting those of whom I most desired to be regarded as having preached nothing but the truth; but these persisted in proving the falsity and nullity [of their sermon] 2) with such clear grounds of proof that they completely overcame me [I confess the truth] and captured me.
In order to satisfy both, it seemed to me to be the best advice, neither to agree with them nor to prove them wrong, but to dispute about such a great matter until the holy church determined what one should hold. Therefore, I arranged for a disputation, to which I publicly invited everyone and privately asked all those whom I knew to be the most learned to open their opinion to me by letter. For I saw that in these matters neither Scripture was against me, 3) nor the teachers of the church, nor the
1) The bracketed words are in the Wittenberg and in the Jena. - Scultetus, that is Schulz, was the son of a village schoolmaster, from Gramschitz in the Duchy of Glogau in Silesia, hence his name. He became bishop of Brandenburg in 1505, died in 1522 (Tentzel, 1,345).
2) Here the old translation offers something that is completely contrary to the meaning.
3) All editions except the Erlangen one have the nonsensical reading suKruAuri instead of rsfrAAuri, which the old translator has faithfully rendered thus: "weil ich sahe, dass ich in dieser Sache für mich habe weder die Schrift" etc.
spiritual law itself, except for a few teachers of spiritual law, and these, speaking without text, and some scholastic teachers who follow their delusion in the same way, also prove nothing.
This seems to me to be by far the most ridiculous thing, namely, when something is preached and heard in the church of God, that when the heretics ask where we get the reason for it, and we cannot give it, we expose Christ and His church to them for laughter and ridicule.
Furthermore, it is certain that we should not believe the scholastic teachers and canonists when they present their mere opinions, and as it is commonly said: It is shameful for a jurist to speak without text. But it is much more shameful for a theologian to speak without a text; I do not say of Aristotle's (for they speak this more than enough, strongly beyond all measure), but of our text, that is, of the holy Scriptures, of the ecclesiastical canons, of the Fathers.
Therefore, I have considered that this matter belongs to my task and office, namely, to dispute about the most doubtful things, but at the same time, if they are wrong, to assert them most dangerously, since it has been permitted until now that the teachers of the high schools also dispute about the most holy and venerable things, about which no Christian has doubted for so many centuries.
But, dear one, who cannot even grasp with his hands how humble and devoted is the shyness or reverence of those who think that one should not dispute about the power of the church or the pope, but keep silent and give thanks? Why don't they also keep silent and give thanks and leave their unworthy disputations about the power and wisdom and goodness of the one who has given this power to the church? Yes, what is so hidden, both in this supreme majesty and in the most holy humanity, that they have not so nearly defiled it with loud antics, that by stopping with their lies they have almost extinguished the affection and reverence of all hearts toward God? But of this elsewhere.
When I called everyone to this battlefield, but no one came, I then also saw that,
my disputations got around further than I had wanted, and were accepted everywhere not as something to dispute about, but as something asserted, so I have been forced, against my expectations and wishes, to bring my childish nature and my ignorance to the people, and to publish the explanations and proofs of the disputations publicly, thinking that I would do better if I put myself to the shame of my ignorance than if I let those err who perhaps think that everything is asserted. But there are some things among them about which I have doubts, some things I do not know, some things I also deny, but I do not stubbornly assert anything, but 1) submit everything to the holy church and its judgment.
Since you, beloved bishop, have been given to us by the mercy of Christ as ordinarius (as it is called) of this place, who not only extraordinarily love good and learned people, which many praise highly in many, but according to your peculiar luminosity and humility also venerate and care for them to the point of endangering your episcopal dignity (far be flattery!). I do not praise you, but the gifts of Christ in you), then it was the right thing for me to offer you (who is entitled to supervise and judge the high school of this place) first and foremost, and to lay at your feet what it is that I have to deal with.
Therefore, most gracious bishop, you will deign to accept this little work of mine, and so that all may know how I do not boldly assert anything, I not only permit it, but also implore you, venerable father, to take the pen and strike out what you please, or light a fire and burn the whole thing; I do not care at all. I know that Christ has no need of me; he will preach good things to his church without me. If the work is not his, then I do not want it to be mine, but nothing and no one's; 3) and because, as I have said, I do not want it to be mine.
1) Erlanger: camouflage, for which we have assumed 86ä with the other issues.
2) pontiüealik here is not "papal", which the old translation offers, but: episcopal.
3) What precedes in this sentence is, as it seems to us, in all editions except the Erlanger in the wrong place, almost at the end of this letter.
Gregory of Nazianzus says that even in the Church it is not safe to speak the truth, especially to grave sinners:
Therefore I do not forget mine, and testify (protestor) with these words that I disputire, not finally decide. I disputire, I say, but do not assert, and disputire with fear, not because I am afraid of the bulls and threats of those who, touched by no fear at all, want everything they have only dreamed to be believed as a gospel. For at the same time the boldness and the ignorance of these people (I confess it) has forced me not to give way to my fear. 4) If this [boldness and ignorance] were not so great, no one but my corner would have known me. 5) I have had to seek nothing but that I might not be a cause of error to anyone. Glory be to him to whom alone it belongs, to him who is eternal, amen. May he keep you for us and guide you long and salutary, dearest bishop. Farewell, yes, I beg you, you will also wish me well. From our monastery in Wittenberg.
Spalatin's praising report of this bishop of Brandenburg, Scultetus.
From Spalatin's annales, p. 37.
In addition, Bishop Jerome of Brandenburg, as the Ordinary of Wittenberg, was kind in all ways, and would have liked to have been involved in things where he could have given a thorough report. For he died in time, and without danger in the 20th year, that he had not reached the right consolation light and knowledge.
Luther's report to Spalatin on how he himself had a verbal discussion with the Bishop of Brandenburg in Wittenberg, and how the Bishop had questioned him extensively, but in a friendly manner. 12 Feb. 1519.
See Appendix, No. 6, the last paragraph.
4) Erlanger: oeäere, in the other editions: oreckers.
5) Here the outputs insert the piece shown above.
Luther's letter to his former teacher, Jodocus Trutfetter of Eisenach, professor in Erfurt, in which he especially reminds him that he learned from him to hold the Holy Scriptures in high esteem and seeks to appease him. May 9, 1518.
On his return journey from Heidelberg, Luther had tried in vain to speak to his old teacher in Erfurt, so he addressed this letter to him there. It is found in Aurifaber, Vol. I, p. 59 b; in Löscher, Ref.-Acta, Vol. II, p. 611; in De Wette, Vol. I, p. 107 and in the Erlanger "Briefwechsel", Vol. I, p. 187. Löscher and Walch have erroneously "the 16th of May". We have translated according to Aurifaber.
Newly translated from the Latin.
To the excellent and dear man, Mr. Jodocus] of Eisenach, the theologian and first philosopher, his superior who is always to be revered in the Lord.
Jesus.
Hail in the Lord! I was at the door of your house last night, my dear lord and most revered teacher, and wanted to talk to you and answer orally to your letter that you wrote to me the other day, prompted, as I felt quite clearly, by exceedingly great love for me and more serious concern than I ever deserved. But your servant, who is waiting at the door, said that you were not well enough to suffer my visit, and so I left. Therefore, I am now answering by letter, not entirely to everything you have suggested; this I will perhaps do otherwise, when I have more leisure.
First of all, I thank you for your anxious love, undeserved by me, and I beg you for the sake of the Lord Jesus that you may never suspect that I could be so offended by you that I would defame you with biting and abusive letters, as you write, fearing that I might do so. For I do not take such revenge even against those who are most against me, who proclaim me from the pulpits by name before the people as a heretic, a nonsensical man, a seducer, and as one of I know not how many devils.
1) Aurifaber: 3uäoeo.
How much less would I repay you for the evil to which I owe everything good. I am truly sorry that the suspicion of such great evil against me has arisen in you as well.
Then you dislike my theses, and I suspected that it would come to this. But of those concerning grace and works, 2) you should know, dear Lord, that I do not claim them alone, nor do I claim them first. You know the talent (ingenia) of those who are with us, namely Carlstadt, Amsdorf, Doctor Hieronymus [Schurf], Doctor Wolfgang [Stehelin], the two from Feldkirchen, 3) finally Doctor Peter Lupinus. But all of them are constantly with me, yes, the whole university, except for instance the one licentiate Sebastian, but also the prince and the bishop [of Brandenburg], our ordinarius. Then many other prelates and all insightful citizens say with one mouth that they had neither known nor heard Christ and his gospel before.
It is fair that I do not prefer these good minds to mine, and since, as you know, they are very learned and skilled in scholastic theology, suffer, I pray you, that I may be wise or unwise with them until it is decided by the Church. And, to give also my explanation, I simply believe that it is impossible to reform the Church, unless from the bottom up the Canons, the Decretals, the scholastic theology, the philosophy, the logic, as they are now, are eradicated, and other studies are established. And in this opinion I increase in such a way that I daily ask the Lord that, as far as it can be done as soon as possible, again the Bible and the purest studies of the holy fathers be put on the track. I do not seem to be a logician to you, perhaps I am not; but this I know, that I do not know the logic of any
2) This is the "Disputation on Scholastic Theology," Walch, St. Louis Edition, vol. XVIII, 18 sf.
3) namely Bartholomäus Bernhardt and Johann Dolz, both from Feldkirchen. Walch offers here: "D. Wolfgangi bey der Feldkirchen." - Lupinus is Peter Wolf of Radheim, also called Raätrsrnius. - The immediately following "Licentiat Sebastian" is according to Seidemann at De Wette, vol. VI, p. 694: Schmidt; but according to Dibelius and Lechler, Beiträge zur sächsischen Kirchengeschichte, Heft 2, p. 355 probably: Küchenmeister (Erl. Briefw., vol. I, p. 191).
People fear when defending this opinion.
But about the other theses, about indulgences, I have written to you before that I do not like that they have been spread out so far. For you have never 1) heard that this has happened fei, I have also not been able to expect what has happened with these alone, otherwise I would have made them clearer, as I have done in the German sermon 2) which displeases you more than all this.
I ask you, dear Lord and my Father in the Lord, do you not also dislike that the poor people of Christ are tormented and mocked with indulgences for so long? Is then the remission of temporal and arbitrary pardon something so great that it should be necessary for the people to come into danger of faith? For there is almost no one who does not believe that he is gaining something great, the grace of God, as it were, through indulgences. It was good that we ourselves uncovered the matter first, so that people would not, if we covered up the matter, finally notice the pious, as it is called, but rather the exceedingly godless fraud of the indulgence merchants, and pay us what we have earned. I truly confess that I would like there to be no indulgences in the whole church, for which the people of France do not ask in the least. It serves only for profit, yes, only for profit, and for nothing else, as I will say more extensively in my measurements, which, God willing, shall soon be published.
But I am surprised that you could even believe that I was the author of the burning of Tetzel's theses. Do you think that I have lost my common sense so much that I, a monk and a theologian, where it is not my office, should cause such an extraordinary insult to a person in such a high position? But what should I do, since everyone believes everything about me? Surely I cannot resist the tongues of all or
1) Instead of nns^narn we have assumed nnn^nain, as the old translator did.
2) Sermon on Indulgences and Grace, Walch, St. Louis Edition, Vol. XVIII, 270.
3) Luther's explanations of his Disputation von der Kraft des Ablasses, Walch, St. Louis Edition, vol. XVIII, 100 ff.
hinder them? They may say, hear, believe, each one what he pleases and where he pleases: I will do as much as the Lord has given me, and I will, by God's grace, neither fear nor be presumptuous.
But that I defended the Magister Johannes Egranns, preacher in Zwickau, they did not tell you the truth. He is a learned man and does not need me. Admittedly, I wrote a little letter in which I approved of his all-sayings, which the Leipzig theologians, in order to denigrate him, have quite treacherously pulled off. I could not refuse the man my judgment, since he asked for it so persistently. But if you want to suffer the audacity of your student and most obedient servant, that is, mine: I have learned from you first of all that one must believe only the canonical books, but judge all others, as St. Augustine, yes, Paul and John command.
Therefore, let me be free to do the same against the scholastics that you and all have been free to do up to now. I will follow if I am taught better by the Scriptures or the Church Fathers; without these I will listen to the scholastics, as far as they have fortified theirs with ecclesiastical sayings, and it is my firm resolution that I will not be deterred from this opinion by your reputation (which certainly weighs very heavily with me), much less by that of anyone else.
This, my dearest teacher, what I have written on the journey and in a hurry, take down for the best. If it pleases you that we discuss it in writing, it will be exceedingly pleasant for me. I am ready to suffer and receive your rebuke in such a way that, even if it should be very sharp, it will be quite mild to me. Therefore, speak out against me in the most full manner without all fear, yes, pour out safely. I will not and cannot become bitter against you, God and my conscience are witness;
4) This is the small letter Egranus added to his writing: ^poIoAstiaa responkio aontra äoZlnata ^nas in iVI. I^rannin a aalnrnniatorikns invuIZata 8 "nt, had preprinted. Walch, old edition, vol. XXI, 592. De Wette, vol. I, p. 103.
That is how I feel about you today. Farewell, my dear father. From our monastery in Erfurt, on the Sunday Vocem Jucunditatis [May 9] 1518.
Yours truly, Brother Martin Luther, Augustinian.
132 Luther's letter to Johann Staupitz, with which he sends his resolutions and asks him to forward them to Pope Leo X, to whom they are dedicated. May 30, 1518.
In order not to repeat what has already been said, we refer to the introductory words to the 127th document. In the Latin collections and the "Gesammtausgabe" of Luther's writings mentioned there, our letter is found immediately before the above-mentioned letter of Luther to Pope Leo X.; furthermore in Löscher, Ref.Acta, vol. II, p. 180; in Aurifaber, vol. I, p. 66; in De Wette vol. I, p. 115 and in the Erlangen "Briefwechsel," vol. I, p. 196. German in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 20; 1) in the Jena edition (1564), vol.I, M.54U; in the Altenburg, vol. I, p. 65; in the Leipzig, vol. X VII, p. 117 and in Walch. We have retranslated according to the Weimar, Vol. I, p. 525.
Newly translated from the Latin.
Brother Martin Luther, his student, wishes salvation to his venerable and rightful father Johann Staupitz, Professor of the Holy Doctrine of God, Vicar of the Augustinian Order, and gives himself to him.
I remember, venerable father, that in your exceedingly sweet and wholesome conversations, with which the Lord Jesus used to comfort me miraculously, this word "repentance" was sometimes mentioned, where we, bearing sorrow over the many consciences and tormentors, who teach a way of confessing (as it is called) with innumerable and indeed unbearable commandments, received you as if you were speaking from heaven: that true repentance is only that which begins from the love of righteousness and against God, and that this is rather the beginning of repentance, which is considered by those to be the end and the completion.
This word of yours stuck in me like the sharp arrow of a strong man, and after it I began to compare it with passages of Scripture that were written by
1) As with Documente 127, this evidence for the Wittenberg edition is given only in the Erlangen correspondence; that for the Jena is missing everywhere, even in the Weimar edition.
of repentance, and behold! an exceedingly sweet play. From all ropes the words entered into agreement with me, were favorable to this opinion and fell in with it, in such a way that, since before there was hardly a word in the whole of Scripture that would have been more bitter for me than the word "repentance" (although I also eagerly placed myself differently before God and sought to express a fabricated and forced love), for me now nothing is more sweet or pleasant than "repentance". For thus the commandments of God become sweet when we realize that they must be read not merely in books, but in the wounds of the sweetest Savior.
Later this was added, that through the effort and favor of very learned men, who teach us Greek and Hebrew in the most serviceable manner, I learned that this word in Greek is called μετάνοια, from μετά
and νουν, that is, from post and mentem, so that repentance or μετάνοια is a recovery (resipiscentia), and after the received damage and the recognized error a recognition of his evil, which can not possibly happen without a change of mind and love. All this corresponds to the theology of Paul quite actually, so that, at least in my opinion, almost nothing else can explain Paul more appropriately.
Yes, I came further, and saw that not merely from post and mentem, but also from trans and mentem could be derived (may this after all be forcible), so that μετάνοια meant a change of mind and spirit, that it seemed to indicate not merely the change of mind, but also the manner of the change, that is, the grace of God. For this change of mind, that is, true repentance, is very frequently mentioned in the Holy Scriptures. Scripture, as that old Passover (phase == passage) foreshadowed, fulfilled Christ, and long before that also Abraham pictured, since he was a Passover, that is, a Hebrew [xxxxxx,
1 Mos. 14, 13.] began to be called, because he had crossed over to Mesopotamia, as Burgensis teaches in a learned way. 2) Da-
2) Compare Luther's interpretation of Gen. 11:13. Walch, St. Louis ed. vol. I, 715, tz 106, where Luther renounces this view. - Burgensis was called, when he was
The title of the Psalm [Ps. 39. 62. 77] also agrees with this, where xxxxxx, that is, one who skips, a singer is introduced.
By holding on to this, I dared to think that those were in error who attached so much importance to the works of repentance that they left us hardly anything of repentance except some cold 'amends and the exceedingly burdensome confession, namely, misled by the Latin word poenitentiam agere, which means more a doing (actionem) than a change of meaning, and in no way satisfies the Greek μετανοέϊν.
While I was thus busily occupied with my thoughts, behold, the trumpets of the new indulgence suddenly began to sound around us, yes, to blare, and the war trumpets of pardons, by which, however, we were not inspired to a right zeal for war. In short, setting aside the doctrine of true repentance, they presumed to exalt-not repentance, not even its very lowest part, which is called satisfaction-but the remission of this very lowest part, so that it was never heard to be exalted so high. Yes, they taught ungodly and false and heretical things with such great prestige (sacrilege, I meant to say) that he who even grumbled against them was immediately condemned to death by fire as a heretic, and guilty of eternal damnation.
Since I could not counter the rage of these people, I decided to decisively make known my dissenting opinion and to cast doubt on their teachings, trusting in the judgment of all teachers and the whole church that it is even better to do enough than to remit satisfaction, that is, than to buy indulgences. And there is no one who has ever taught otherwise. Therefore I have disputed, that is, I have provoked everything that is high, middle class and lowly, to unhappiness over my head, as far as it is
He was a Jew, Solomon Levita, after he became a Christian, Paul of Burgos; became Bishop of Carthagena, Burgos, Chancellor of Castile and finally Patriarch of Aquileia, died Aug. 29, 1435, 85 years old, increased Nie. von Lyra's glosses on the Bible (Erlanger "Briefwechsel").
by these zealots for the money (ah! for the souls I should have said) can be done and directed. For so these quite lovely people, armed with quite coarse deceit, since they cannot deny what I have said, invent that the authority of the pope is violated by my disputations.
This is the reason, venerable father, that I now step into the public undesirably, while I have always loved my corner, and have more desire to watch the exceedingly beautiful play of the gifted people of our time than to be seen and mocked. But (as I see) even the bad vegetables 1) must be seen among the good ones, and the black must be placed among the white, namely for the sake of adornment 2) and beauty.
I therefore ask you to accept this little work of mine and, by whatever means, to send it to our good Abbot Leo the Tenth, so that it may serve me there as a kind of assistance against the actions of malicious people. Not as if I wanted to involve you in my danger, but this I will have done at my own peril. Christ will see whether what I have said is his or mine, without whose wink not even the pope can speak a word, nor even the king's heart in his own hand [Proverbs 21:1]. For I await him as the judge who pronounces from the Roman chair.
By the way, I have nothing to answer those threatening friends of mine but the words of Reuchlin: "He who is poor fears nothing, he can lose nothing. I have no goods, nor do I desire them; if I have had good reputation and honor, he who loses now loses without ceasing. Only one thing is left, my poor, weak body, tired by constant adversity; if they destroy it by force or trickery (GOtte to do a service with it), they will perhaps make me poorer by one or two hours of my life. I have had enough of my sweet Redeemer and Reconciler, my Lord.
1) EoroNornrn inwr olsra is a saying. 6oroNornm or ooroNorus is a bad vegetable that grows wild in the Peloponnese.
2) Erlanger: äeoores instead of: ätzcorls.
I will sing to Jesus Christ all my life [Ps. 104:33]. But if someone does not want to sing with me, what is that to me? He may howl if he pleases, even for himself. He, the Lord Jesus, keep you forever, my dearest father. Wittenberg, on the day of the Holy Trinity [May 30] 1518.
C. Luther's journey to the General Convention of the Augustinians and the disputation held there. 1)
Luther's report to Joh. Lang that he had been advised against the trip to Heidelberg.
March 21, 1518.
See Appendix, No. 3, § 2.
134 Luther's letter to Spalatin, in which he reports on the journey to Heidelberg, as far as Coburg. April 15, 1518.
The original of this letter is in the Anhaltisches Gesammtarchiv in Zerbst. Printed by Aurifaber, vol. I, p. 58; in Löscher's Ref.-Acta, vol. II, p. 609; by De Wette, vol. I, p. 104 and (according to the original) in the Erlangen "Briefwechsel," vol. I, p. 183. According to the latter we have translated.
Newly translated from the Latin.
To his Georg Spalatin, priest of Christ and ducal librarian in Wittenberg, his beloved in Christ.
"To Wittenberg Magister Spalatin's Handen."
Jesus.
Hail! I believe, dear Spalatin, that you learned from our Pfeffinger 2) everything that we talked to each other, since I met him in the village of Judenbach 3). For among other things, it was a comfort to me that the opportunity presented itself to make the rich man poorer by several pennies. For you know how much it pleases me to make the rich man poorer by a few pennies.
1) Cf. Walch, St. Louis Edition, vol. XVIII, Introduction, p. 3 f.
2) "Degenhart Pfeffinger, a Bavarian nobleman from Alberskirch, Dr. jur. and councillor of the Electorate of Saxony, patron of Luther, died in 1519".
3) Judenbach, a village on the Thuringian Forest, in the Oberland of the Duchy of Saxony-Meiningen.
can be conveniently thnu to fork out a little, especially friends. Because intentionally he also paid for the breakfast for the two foreign companions, together for all of us ten pennies. For now, too, I will, if I can, work so that the Kastner (oeconomus) of our most illustrious prince, who is here in Coburg, 4) pays for us; if he does not want to, we nevertheless live at the expense of the prince.
Of course, I have not yet seen the man, nor do I know whether I will see him. Since we arrived very tired in the evening, we delivered the letters to him by messenger. But he left late for the castle and has not yet returned; I do not know what he will do, perhaps he is too busy to take care of us. Then the messenger Urban 5) himself knows very well that he has been ordered to go with us to Würzburg. Whether he comes or stays, we will, God willing, continue our journey tomorrow.
Everything else stands, thank God, except that I confess that I have sinned, that I have undertaken the journey as a pedestrian. But this sin, since the contrition is complete and the most full satisfaction has been laid upon me, does not need the forgiveness of indulgence. I get very tired, and there are no carts anywhere, and so I become superfluous, all too contrite, repent and do enough.
Until now I was unknown to everyone, except as much as I became known through Pfeffinger's presence. But even in Weißenfels a pastor unknown to me recognized me and entertained me well; he is a Wittenberg magister. I have no other things to write now, only that you pray to God for me, and the father, the venerable Jacobus, who is afflicted with podagra, 6)
4) According to Seidemann, De Wette, vol. VI, p. 644, the Kastner in Coburg was Paul Bader; according to Schlegel, vita I-ÄNK6ri, x>. 4, Conrad Rode.
5) Seidemann-De Wette, vol. VI, 599, note 2, says: "I think Urban is Mühlmann."
61 The Franciscan Jacob Vogt, confessor to the Elector.
greet you from me. Farewell. From Coburg, Thursday after Quasimodogeniti] 1) [April 15], at the fifth hour in the evening, 1518. Brother Martin Eleutherius.
Luther's letter to Spalatin from Würzburg, similar in content to the previous one.
April 19, 1518.
The original is in the Anhaltisches Gesammtarchiv at Zerbst. Printed by Aurifaber, vol. I, p. 59; by Löscher, Ref.-Acta, vol. II, 610; by De Wette, vol. I, p. 105 and in the Erlangen "Briefwechsel", vol. I, p. 185. In Löscher and Walch, as in the previous letter, the 20th of April is given by incorrect resolution of the day of the week. We have translated according to the Erlanger, which brings the original.
Newly translated from the Latin.
His Georg Spalatin, the priest of Christ in Wittenberg.
Jesus.
Heils We finally arrived in Würzburg, my dear Spalatin, just on Sunday Misericordias (Domini), and that same evening we handed over the letter of our most illustrious prince. We did not find Sigismund von Thüngen 2) because he was absent and it was said that he would not return before two or three days.
The venerable bishop 3) himself called me to him after he had received the letter. And since he spoke with me face to face, he also wanted to give me a messenger at his expense on the way to Heidelberg. But since I had found several of my order here, especially the Prior of Erfurt, our Johann Lang, I thanked the extremely kind Für-
1) Walch: "Freytags"; Löscher has also interpreted and resolved leriu qninta just as incorrectly: "6. 16.
- The addition of the missing in the original: post HrmsirnoäoZeniti in the editions is correct, as can be seen from the following letter.
2) Sigismund von Thüngen zu Burgheim und Bucholt, Würzburg councilor, courtier and bailiff at Carlsburg, died in 1522 (Erl. Briefw.).
3) Lorenz von Bibra (1495 to February 6, 1519) wrote to the Elector in his own hand shortly before his end (866lr6nc1ort, üist. 4>rM., lik. I, p. 29, [äck. II.): "Your love does not want to let the pious man, Doctor Martinus, move away, because injustice would be done to him." See the next two docs. '
steu, since I did not consider it necessary that a messenger be hired for my sake. For I want to go with them, since I am quite tired from walking. I have only asked that he provide me with written testimonies that would serve me (as it is called) as a free escort. I have received them at this very hour and will leave by carriage, after I have left the letter to Sigismund voll Thüngen with the chaplain of the reverend lord.
If our messenger Urban were given a little more, it would seem all right to me. For he has been forced to go slower on the way for our sake. I would do this to our Hirschfeld 4) if I were present, for this deserves the loyalty and righteousness of this man, and you too be an intercessor for him. I am poor and must be; I have given him too little. The Franks hope for a good wine year, for that is what they are counting on, because this May is looking good. Farewell. From our monastery at Würzburg on Monday after Misericordias Domini [April 19] 1518.
Brother Martin Luther, Augustinian.
Spalatin's report of the godly bishop of Würzburg, Laurentius von Bibra.
From Spalatin's description of the life of Prince Frederick, printed in Tentzel, Hist. Bericht, Vol. I, p. 323. Cf. Seckendorf, nist. 4>utü., lik. I, p. 29.
In this 1519th year, in the month of February, Bishop Lorenz of Wuerzburg, of the family of one of Bibra, an honest, pious, wise man, died, who recently wrote with his own hand to this Elector, Duke Frederick of Saxony, about D. Martin Luther: "Your love should not let the pious man, D. Martinus, move away, because he would be 5) wronged. Which of the bishop's words pleased this Elector of Saxony so much that he sent it to me, Spalatino, rewritten with his own hand, to the Lochau, and also still asked me for this word, a few weeks before their departure from this Jam-
4) Bernhard von Hirschfeld zu Otterwisch, born 1490, died 1551.
5) In Seckendorf and Tentzel: "geschehe", which in the Erlanger Briefwechsel, Vol. I, p. 186, Note 2, is incorrectly resolved by "geschieht".
merthal, by Joachim Sack 1). This bishop of Wuerzburg was such an intelligent, wise and honest man that in one year he became the councilor of the Archbishop of Cologne, the Count Palatine, Elector of the Rhine, and also of the Roman Emperor Maximilian, and at the same time bishop of Wuerzburg. If this Bishop Lorenz von Bibra had lived longer, people who knew him well believe that he would have accepted the Holy Gospel. For he had been very angry with the Romans and did not want to accept their fictitious golden jubilee and indulgences, the longer the less. I have also heard noblemen from Franconia say that if a subject had come and asked him for favors to transfer some goods; if he had heard that he wanted to give a son or daughter to a monastery, he would have said: "Dear, give your daughter a husband, do not give her to a monastery; if you have money for it, I will lend you. He had been so very bad about monasticism, monasticism and nunnery.
137 Another message from this bishop.
From Tentzel, Hist. report, Vol. I, p. 125.
In a written chronicle of Würzburg, this bishop is numbered as the sixty-first, and it is reported that he was elected on May 12, 1495, and consecrated on October 11. In 1518, he attended the long Imperial Diet in Augsburg and helped to speak about the resistance of the Turks and the discord of faith; he was held in great esteem by the emperor and all princes of the empire, all the estates of the empire had a sensation at the Imperial Diet on his advice, and he finally died in 1519 on February 6.
138 Luther's report to Spalatin, from Wittenberg, about his honorable reception in Heidelberg by Count Palatine Wolfgang. May 18, 1518.
See Appendix, No. 7, § 2.
Luther's further report to Spalatin on the disputation in Heidelberg. May 18, 1518.
See Appendix, No. 7, § 3.
1) A Silesian nobleman, at that time among the Junkers (spüsbos) of the Churfürst (Seckendorf).
140 Alting's report that Bucer, Brenz, Billicanus and Schnepf came to the knowledge of the truth through the disputation in Heidelberg.
From ^ItirlAÜ kist. 6661. kalatinas reprinted in the wouinisutis pistutis st üttsrariig published in 1701, pars I, x. 142. also in Seckendorf, Hist. imtü., 115.1, x. 29.
Translated into German.
Among the audience were Martin Bucer, Joh. Brenz, Erhard Schnepf, Theobald Billicanus, along with other great theologians, who were very surprised at Luther's astuteness, heartiness, and modesty in the disputation, but after the disputation they went to his house and inquired further about one and other points that they had not sufficiently understood and grasped. In particular, Martin Bucer, who was now no longer a student but a preacher for Frederick of the Palatinate in Heidelberg on the recommendation of Franz von Sickingen, believed that he was entitled to this before others. And as he copied most of Luther's writings according to his skill, he talked to him orally in more detail and asked him about various things, to which Luther answered him clearly and adequately.
The letter of Count Palatine Wolfgang to the Elector of Saxony, which he gave to Luther on his departure from Heidelberg.
May 1, 1518.
From Tentzel's Histor. Bericht, Vol. I, p. 330, who "diligently gathered and copied it from the torn original", printed in Löscher's Ref.-Acta, Vol. II, p.60.
Our friendly service and what we are able to do, all the time before, Highborn Prince, friendly dear Lord and cousin, E. L. Briue, therein was written by the same, that we Doctori Martins Luder Augustiner-Orden Leser Inn E. L. Vniuersitet zu Wittenberg. L. Vniuersitet zu Wittenberg, so er vnns Inn synen Sachn zu einigen Notturfft ersuchen" würde, Im nach vnnseren Vermögen zu behülfflich seyn, haben wir empfangenn vnd mit Vliß gelesennt, vnnd geben darauf E. L. that we, as one and the same transferee, wanted to be helpful to the above-mentioned doctor after all his efforts, on account of E. L. with all his means, if he alone had indicated and requested to do something that was within our means,
However, he did not reveal anything to us in which he needed our help, which E. L. himself probably denied. He has also been so skilful with his arguments that he has not made a small praise of E. L. University, it has also been said to him by many learned people that we do not want to behave E. L. as a sun friendly maynation, but to serve the same, also to give fruit, love and goodness to him.
witnesses we are to do allzytt gevliffenn unnd genaigt etc. Datum Heydelberg vff Philippi unnd Jacobi [4. Mai] uo, etc. In the eighteenth.
Wolffgang von GOttes Gnaden Pfaltzgrave Bei Rheynn vnnd Hertzog Inn Beyern etc.
Luther's report to Spalatin on his return journey from Heidelberg. May 18, 1518.
See Appendix, No. 7, § 1.