What good changes have taken place in Wittenberg and Saxony in the meantime.
A. From the case of the mass and the monastic vows.
1. how the Augustinians, at the lonvent or chapter held in Wittenberg at the beginning of 1522, abolished the private or angle masses by joint resolution, and declared the monastic life to be free.
620 Luther's writing on the abuse of the mass.
This writing is found in Walch, St. Louis Edition, vol. XIX, 1068.
Luther's earnest reminder to Spalatin not to withhold and suppress this writing of the mass sent to him, as well as that of monastic vows and against Mainz, out of court politics, otherwise his spirit would become very bitter and irritated to write even more vehemently, because he definitely wanted his things to be printed.
See St. Louis edition, vol. XIX, 560 f.
622 The resolutions of the chapter or convention of the Augustinians in Meissen and Thuringia held in Wittenberg at the beginning of 1522, in which they abolished the mass in the fourth article.
This writing is found in Latin in the Wittenberg edition (1550), tona. I, toi. 201 b; in the Jena (1566), tora. II, col. 470 b. German in the Wittenberg (1569), vol. IX, p. 134; in the Jena (1585), vol. II, p. 1; in the Altenburg, vol. II, p. 15 and in the Leipzig, vol. XVIII, p. 239. We leave the old excellent translation.
Jesus.
We, the Vicarius, Priores and Brothers of the Order of St. Augustine, assembled at Wittenberg, have decided on the vows, the begging and other articles of the Order as follows.
(2) In which opinion, since we follow the Scriptures, we do not want to allow ourselves to be hindered by some human reputation or statute, for it is right that God's words should also be given to all creatures. But those who do not yet understand such freedom, or do not consent to it through their power, we let them rule in their mind. We know that we have to give an account of our opinion before God, so we are certainly not afraid to answer men as well.
(3) But since our opinion is to serve the simple consciences, we do not want those who use the word of God to prevent the harmful liberty of their carnal will to have recourse to our decision; and we admonish everyone who reads or hears this, just as St. Paul admonishes the Galatians Cap. 5, 13, that he is free if he does not need liberty for carnal will, but that it is on every man's conscience. For what does not flow from faith is sin, Rom. 14, 23. Therefore, brethren, do not be deceived; God is not mocked, Gal. 6, 7.
In the first place, we leave it to each one, as his conscience feels, to remain or not to remain in the monastery, since what believes in Christ is neither Jew nor Greek, Gal. 3:28, neither monk nor layman, and the vow that is contrary to the gospel is not a vow but an unchristian thing.
5 On the other hand, since Christian liberty is a spiritual liberty, which is not attached to food or clothing, it seems good to us that those who remain in our monasteries should keep to the clothing and customary practices, so that we may be able to offer to everyone just
or all kinds of things, according to the example of St. Paul 1 Cor. 9, 21. f.
6. to the third, but we want to have the essays tempered, both in custom and practice, so that no one's faith will be damaged by it, or it will be done against love. For the kingdom of God is not eating or drinking, but righteousness, peace and joy in the Holy Spirit, Rom. 14:17.
In the fourth place, we do away with begging, which the Scriptures have so often forbidden, 1 Thess. 4, II. 5, 22: Every man shall work with his hands, be quiet, and eat his own bread. We also do away with the commissioned masses, since St. Paul wants us to shun all evil forms (or appearances).
In the fifth place, as much as is possible in our monasteries, choose those who are skilled in teaching the Word of God publicly and specifically, and let the others work to earn food for the brethren, as was the way of the ancient fathers.
In the sixth place, because we want to moderate the essays, it seems good to us that our brothers in monasteries should be subject to their superiors out of free love, so that we may walk among ourselves and before everyone without offense, lest cause be given to the adversaries to blaspheme the holy gospel.
623 Joh. Aurifaber's report on what changes the Augustinian monks at Wittenberg made in their monastery life during Luther's absence, how they dropped the corner masses and began to distribute Holy Communion in both forms; also about the commission ordered to investigate the matter by Chursachen.
This writing is found in the Eisleben edition, vol. I, p. 179; in the Altenburg, vol. II, p. 256 and in the Leipzig, vol. XVIII, p. 237.
1) While D. Martin Luther was still at Wartburg near Eisenach in his Patmos, when the Augustinian monks in the monastery began to change the monastic life, so that they would stay in the monastery or go out; item, they needed their clothing and ceremonies out of love, and not out of necessity; they also dropped the corner masses, and no longer wanted to serve the Lord's Supper to the laity in one form, but in both forms, as Christ would have instituted. And when the Elector of Saxony appointed commissaries for this purpose
The monks, who were ordained by D. Justus Jonas, Philippus Melanchthon, Nicolaus von Amsdorf and Johann Doltz von Feldkirch, and who found the monks' nobility grounded in God's Word, approved it. And to strengthen them in this, D. Martin Luther wrote to them from his Patmos the little book on the abuse of the mass.
Since some monks had immediately taken off their caps, he wrote for their instruction, comfort and protection the booklet of the monastic vows, 1) in which it is indicated that one may well leave monasticism with a good conscience.
3 Against these two little books a barefoot monk at Würzburg, called Caspar Schatzgeier, wrote and wanted to become a knight to Luther. But he was soon beaten over the mouth by him, so that he did not get back on track with his loose grimaces.
In this year, the Archbishop of Magdeburg Albrecht, Cardinal, through his council, Wolfgang Fabricius Capito, also wrote to Luther, seeking to persuade him to spare and do what he could out of Christian love for the great lords. But Luther met him with a serious writing. 2)
And because Luther heard that things were bad in Wittenberg and that many innovations had been made, he secretly left his Patmos and came to Wittenberg to Nicolaus von Amsdorf's house, quietly asked his well-known friends to come before him, investigated every opportunity, and when he found it to be right, he hurried back to his Patmos and immediately wrote a comforting booklet with an interpretation of the 37th Psalm to the church in Wittenberg. 3) In it he admonished them to stand firm in God's word. Psalm to the church at Wittenberg, 3) in which he exhorted them to hold fast to God's word.
6) This was followed by the innovation and noise of Doctor Andreä Carlstadt, canon of Wittenberg, against Doctor Luther and his teachings, with the iconoclasm and other things, which Luther brought back from his Patmos against Wittenberg. How to read of such innovation rst in this tomo. And such gave Luther's doctrine a hard blow, as there was disagreement and discord about the doctrine among the theologians themselves at Wittenberg.
7 In his arrival wrote D. Martinus Luther, on the Friday after Invocavit [March 7, 1522], to
1) St. Louis edition, vol. XIX, 1500.
2) St. Louis edition, vol. XIX, 554.
3) St. Louis edition, Vol. I V, 306. However, this interpretation did not go out, as Aurifaber says here, after his secret visit to Wittenberg (which took place in the first days of December), but on August 12, 1521.
Prince Frederick, 4) and indicated the cause of his return, with the added promise that no harm should befall his presence because of his princely graces; then he stood up and preached against such innovation, as such seven sermons 5) are printed in this tomo.
8) Such fanaticism and iconoclasm is also stirred up in Zwickau and Alstädt, out of incitement by Thomas Müntzer and Claus Storcken, who wanted to storm and destroy the papacy with their fists, and such deceivers have not been brought back to rights by Luther's teaching, instruction, pleading, exhortation and refutation of their error.
In addition to this storm of the red spirits, the persecution against Martin Luther and his teachings was not left out. For serious and swift mandates from high potentates, princes and lords, ecclesiastical and secular, went out in the beginning of the 1522nd year. As, from Duke Henry of Brunswick the Younger; item, from Bishop Philip of Freisingen and Naumburg, also from Bishop John of Meissen. Duke George of Saxony issued a bloodthirsty letter against him, as can be found in this section.
10. And although all this, as heresy and persecution, brought the man of God much challenge, shocks, great work and trouble, also weakness of body, God through the Holy Spirit nevertheless raised him up, strengthened him, comforted him and made him joyful, so that he continued with his teaching, and also penetrated, so that neither the highly respected doctors, nor high schools, nor any papal clamor or ban, much less worldly power and tyranny, could drive him in and overcome him.
In this year, the King of England, Henry the Seventh, 6) also wrote against Doctor Martin Luther, and attacked his teachings severely, to which Doctor Martinus answered seriously. And since this sharp writing offended many people, D. Martinus Luther therefore let his responsibility go out in print on Thursday after Bartholomew, in which he distinguishes verba officii, official words, and verba convicii, evil words, 7)
4) No. 648 in this volume.
5) There are eight sermons. St. Louis Edition, Vol. XX, Col.4ff.
6) Rather: the eighth.
7) The writings alluded to in this K are found in the St. Louis edition, vol. XIX, cols. 134. 238. 280 and 350.
12) This year, on the fifteenth of June, he had an apology printed to Claus Storni, mayor of Magdeburg, why he had to write so harshly against the pope, cardinals and bishops.
13. The Holy Roman Empire's princes and estates held a Diet at Nuremberg this year, at which the new Pope elected at that time, Adrianus, the sixth of that name (as all other popes, his ancestors, had done before), delivered his message orally and in writing to the estates, but especially to Duke Frederick of Saxony, Elector, with great earnestness, that they wanted to silence Luther and either bring him to renounce his intended doctrine and return to the right path, or else act against him with due punishment, as their forefathers had also done to Johann Hus at the Concilio of Costnitz in the past. But D. Luther remained before this pope, and his teaching, as the right, blessed light of the knowledge of our dear Lord and Savior JEsu Christ, has spread the longer the more, has shone and shone the longer the more.
2. the commission ordered by the Electoral Court to investigate the beginning of the Augustinians, which again deputized some of the university to do so.
624 Report and concerns of the deputies ordered by the Elector to investigate the conduct of the Augustinians and their opinion of the private mass to Elector Frederick of Saxony.
This writing is in Latin in the Wittenberg edition (1651), torn. II, toi. 346 and in the Jena edition (1566), torn. II, col. 471. German in the Wittenberg (1569), vol. IX, p. 134; in the Jena (1585), vol. II, p. 1b; in the Altenburg, vol. II, p. 16 and in the Leipzig, vol. XVIII, p. 240.
Most Serene, Highborn Prince, Most Gracious Lord, our subservient, obliging, obedient services at all times before. Most gracious Lord! By order of Your Electoral Grace we have heard the Augustinians orally and in writing, and have found that for these reasons they have ceased to hold mass, as Your Grace may understand from their note enclosed herewith.
2. First, because a great, unchristian abuse of masses has been planted throughout the world, both spiritual and secular, which no man can remove from the hearts of men, in that the mass is accepted for a good work, by which we make atonement to God, offering and giving something to him for our sin, and so that even a priest who is in mortal sin may do such a sacrifice for another fruitfully and usefully: Therefore, the Augustinians no longer want to keep Mass, because such keeping of Mass gives such abuse cause, strength and power, and thus want to bring the right, true Mass, as it was instituted and kept by Christ and the apostles, back into right use and practice.
(3) Secondly, the masses as they are now celebrated are contrary to the custom and practice of Christ and the apostles. For Christ communicated twelve of them, and the apostles a multitude, and never one alone; just as Paul also gave the Corinthians privatas coenas 1 Cor. II, 22.
4 Thirdly, Christ commanded and appointed that both should be given form. Since the masses, as they have been celebrated up to now, are ordered to give one form to the bystanders alone, they do not know how to affirm such masses with a clear conscience.
On this opinion of theirs, we wish to inform E. C. F. Gn. of our opinion and concerns, and we humbly request that E. C. F. Gn. graciously listen to us with the ears of the spirit, which despises human art and wisdom of this world, and only highly esteems and accepts divine wisdom hidden in the spirit.
(6) It is certain that among the greatest and most heinous sins on earth is the abuse of the Mass. For St. Paul has so highly and severely reproached a small abuse of the mass among the Corinthians, that they alone dealt magnificently with it, in that he says: "Whosoever hath not distinction under the body of Jesus Christ eateth death, and many have been punished with pestilence and other diseases because of it. Since we now have much greater abuse of the mass, there is no doubt that we are more severely punished with wars and pestilence, as is now evident, and, what is greatest, with blindness of reason, which is clear to those who keep the mass daily, who administer and protect it.
7. for the mass, in its most important part, is nothing but a distribution and partaking of the body and blood of Christ; everything else that is added to this
has been added to it by men and popes, and has been increased daily with time. And the use of a priest is no better than when a layman goes to the sacrament, by which we are reminded, as by a sure sign, of the forgiveness of all sins. As Christ Himself says: "As often as you do it, do it in remembrance of Me [1 Cor. 11:24, 25], that is, in remembrance of the grace and mercy given and shown to you through My death.
It follows that the Mass is not a good work, so that one may offer or give something to God for oneself or another, just as a layman may not partake of the Sacrament for another, just as no man may be baptized for another. Now it is public that all masses are instituted as a good work, that we may be sufficient for our own and others' sins. Which is nothing else but a blinding of the Christian faith and true custom of the holy sacrament. Hence it is that every week so many, four, five, or more masses in all monasteries, convents, or churches are ordered and founded on one person. Thereby the evil priests are pleased to hold masses for the sake of money. And although there are pious priests among them, who would like to use the sacrament properly, according to their conscience, they often have to say mass because of such a foundation and order, with displeasure, without pleasure, and with annoyance and danger to their consciences.
(9) From this, Your Electoral Grace may well judge what benefit or piety it may bring if a sinner, for his own benefit, or a pious person, under the compulsion of the foundation, without desire and love, must often say mass, even against his conscience. For it is impossible for even a pious priest and clergyman to have the desire and love to say mass as often as he is bound and obligated to do so by the foundation.
(10) Although some would say that the prayers of the Mass are good, useful and fruitful for others, even if the priest's use would not help or comfort anyone, C.C.F.G. can well judge how useful the prayer of a sinful priest or a pious one, who does it with reluctance, is. And even if it is done in the best possible way, the prayer of a pious priest at mass is no better than that of a pious layman in his chamber.
11) Masses for the dead have also been instituted, for the above-mentioned reasons, and many other such frauds, which, if fraud were not a sin, would be acceptable. However, because there are excellent, great
If they are sins, they should not be tolerated or suffered in any way, even if the whole world is offended by them.
Therefore, as a Christian prince, under whom the Holy Gospel has come to light again, it is appropriate and due, for the salvation of his soul, that such abuse of the Mass in E. C. F. G. should be avoided. C. F. G. churches, and to restore the right, true custom of the mass, as Christ and the apostles kept it, namely, that whenever the people came together, the word of God was preached, for that was why they came together, and for no other cause; and then one gave the bread and wine, and gave it to all those who desired it. And as this form and manner is the best, so it would also be the safest; which also moved the Augustinians in their intention, that the old custom of the mass should again be negated. And in that the Augustinians do not want to abuse the masses, but hold masses freely and without constraint, they do right.
But that they say that no one should communicate alone is not certain, as far as we know. Although it is true that the reason they give for the offense, that the mass as it is now celebrated by one priest gives cause for the other simple priests to continue in their abuse, is good enough, yet it remains that the weak brethren in the faith should be tolerated and suffer for a time, until they are better instructed in the word of God, as St. Paul has taught us. That they also show in the cause that Christ has given his body in the supper of their many is a story, not a law, nor a commandment.
14 But what they have shown in the third cause, concerning both forms, we cannot reject; nor can we sufficiently excuse giving or taking one form alone, for Christ commanded and appointed it when he said [Matt. 26:27], "Drink from it, all of you," imperatively. They may seek to excuse protection and help, giving or taking a form, but it is not without danger. Therefore, it would be necessary that the first custom of the sacrament be reinstated and renewed in the Christian church.
15 And summa summarum, to speak of it finally, if we kept the form and manner as it is written in the Gospel, we would be sure of the matter beyond all doubt, and could not err. But because we have laws and orders of men, as good, spiritual, and holy as they are, from which Christ and Paul have so often and so often
We have faithfully warned, but we do not know whether we are doing right or right, and we are quite uncertain and doubtful about everything. Although it is certain that through man's law and doctrine the whole world, and even if it were possible, the elect, will be led astray [Matth. 24, 24]. But such law and doctrine is so implanted in the heart of man that he thinks more of it and considers it greater than God's commandment, so that the scripture may be fulfilled: Extollitur supra omne, quod dicitur Deus etc., 2 Thess. 2, 4.
16 Therefore we ask with all humility that E. C. F. G., as a Christian prince, take the matter seriously and soon put an end to such abuse of the masses in E. C. F. G.'s lands and principality. C.F.G.'s lands and principality, and to pay no attention at all to secular disgrace and dishonor, that E.C.F.G. would be called a Bohemian or a heretic. For all those who do something for the sake of God's word must tolerate and suffer such high dishonor and disgrace, and no one will have a contract with them; 1) so that E. C. F. G. will not be reproached by Christ on the last day, like Capernaum [Matth. 11, 23], that such great grace and mercy in E. C. F. G. will not be shown. C. F.G.'s lands in vain, without our doing, and that the holy gospel has been revealed, explained and brought to light in it. For this reason, he will also claim from H.C.F.G. the grace and gift shown to H.C.F.G. above all other kings and princes.
17 As far as the Augustinians are concerned, it is not sinful, in our opinion, to celebrate Mass alone, if the Mass is not otherwise abused. Nor should anyone be prevented from celebrating mass alone and privately. However, we do not know where they begin to say Mass in the way they are heard, according to the form of the Gospel. Therefore, we ask that Your Holiness, as a Christian prince, take it into gracious consideration. With this, we command ourselves to E. C. F. G. in all submissiveness.
E. C. F. Graces
subservient servants
Justus Jonas, Probst. Johannes Döltzk, D. Andreas Carlstadt, D. Hieronymus Schurs, D. Nicolaus Amsdorf.
Philip Melanchthon
1) In Latin: et ad Iris irnnunisiu köre - and no one will be spared.
3. what instructions the Elector of Saxony has given to D. Beyer 2) and what he has answered in turn.
625 The Elector of Saxony then issued instructions and orders to the above deputies to D. Christian Beyer, who was then professor and mayor of Wittenberg, but later became chancellor at court.
This and the following document can be found in the issues mentioned in the previous number immediately after it.
First of all, to say our greetings and to advertise in the following. After M. G. H. in the past days ordered the highly respected Gregory Brück, Doctor, to advertise to the university and chapter here in Wittenberg on account of his C. F. G., that it had reached his C. F. G. that various things should be done in Wittenberg, and especially that the Augustinians did not hold mass in some days. Now, S. C. F. G. did not know how this would be done, and whether it was true or not, especially because they, the university and the chapter, had not written to S. C. F. G. or given notice of it. Because S. C. F. G. has always been inclined to do so much for its C. F. G., that might have served to strengthen the holy Christian faith, their C. F. G. mind, will and opinion would not yet be, and, God willing, their C. F. G. should not be, for the rest of their lives, to hold and show themselves otherwise than a Christian prince, that is why his C. F. G. had established the laudable university and foundation at Wittenberg, so that many learned people should be educated and held there.
(2) Therefore, if anything improper had been done or would be done, S. C. F. G. would have requested that they, as those who understand it, have the appointment, so that nothing would be done or subjected from which complaint would be made; and to consider things well, so that things would be directed to good ways, so that discord, turmoil and complaint would be prevented.
3 So S. C. F. G. Doctor Brück wrote again that on such his advertisement the university and chapter made a committee, actually to inquire what Magister Ga-
2) The Jena edition writes Beyer, the Wittenberg: Bayer. He is also called "Beier" (Köstlin) and "Baier" (Seidemann).
briel, 1) Augustinians, had preached, and to act with the Augustinians, not to make any change with measurements at this time, or to introduce etc., but to remain with the old way, until they received information from their vicar, or the things would be discussed and deliberated in the university. And if the Augustinians did not want to be instructed, then they wanted to make a council proposal, and indicate their concerns as to what should be done therein to S. C. F. G..
4) The committee had then discussed the matter with the Augustinians and finally agreed that the Augustinians should submit their plans, motives and reasons to the doctors in writing within two days, so that they would then consider them and do more about them; but in the meantime the innovation should remain.
(5) Thus, the committee concerned, by their letter, has now notified their C.F.G. of some of the causes of the Augustinian authorities, and, in addition, of their concerns, and has requested in the resolution that their C.F.G., as a Christian prince, take the matter seriously, and soon put an end to such abuse of the Mass in their C.F.G. principality and principality, and that secular dishonor and dishonor, that one would call their C.F.G. a Bohemian or heretic, would not be respected at all; for all those who do something for the sake of God's word would have to tolerate such scorn and dishonor. a Bohemian or a heretic, would not respect anything at all; for all who do something for the sake of God's word would have to tolerate and suffer such scorn, dishonor and shame, and none of them would have a contract for it; so that from Christ S. C. F. G. would not have to suffer such scorn, dishonor and shame on the last day, as Capernicus did. would not be reproached at the last day, like Capernaum [Matth. 11, 23], that such great grace and mercy in their C. F. G. lands had happened in vain, without their C. F. G.'s help, and that the holy gospel had been revealed, explained and brought to light in it. Because of this, Christ would also demand from H. C. F. G. the grace and gift shown to her C. F. G. before all other kings and princes, etc. Which all S. C. F. G. would have to hear of its contents.
6) Thereupon, S. C. F. G. has ordered me to inform you that S. C. F. G.'s mind and opinion have always been, if God wills, and shall continue to be, as much as S. C. F. G. can help to promote that which may honor the divine Word and strengthen the holy Christian faith, and to keep and show himself as befits a Christian prince, as S. C. F. G. has also indicated before.
7. his C. F. G. but bedmken on your scream-.
1) Gabriel Gemini.
It should not be bad, because this is a great thing and concerns the whole community of common Christianity, that you do not overdo it. For, S. C. F. G. mean that such a thing could hardly be maintained by you, as a small part. If such a thing were founded in the holy gospel, more people would undoubtedly notice it and become attached to it. And if this were to happen, the change would be made constantly with the common crowd, without any particular difficulty. For my most gracious lord may not be reported when this order of celebrating missam, which has now lasted perhaps many hundred years, has begun, and that which uses the apostles has ceased.
(8) Moreover, since churches and monasteries are commonly founded on the celebration of mass, consider what would happen if the mass were to be dropped. For you know that when the cause ceases, the consequence and effect of the cause also cease. From this it can also be assumed that the income of the 2) churches and monasteries would be withheld and deducted. If, for this reason, someone were to take it upon himself to 3) reproach heretics or persecutors of the church, then many complaints would arise, as you can judge for yourselves. This my most gracious lord, in his gracious opinion, did not want you to do. And because you have made this request to S. C. F. G. as a layman who does not report to the Scriptures, S. C. F. G. Request that you, together with the others of the University and the Chapter, look into the matter in such a way that nothing is done nor obeyed that could lead to discord, revolt and aggravation, but that you consider the matter well and direct it to the ways and means that will benefit the holy Christian Church, and that revolt and aggravation be prevented. This is what M. G. H. wants to do for all of you and for everyone in particular, and it is done to please S. C. F. G..
626: The Wittenberg deputies' response to the electoral concerns raised by D. Christian Beyer concerning the fair.
See No. 624.
2) In the German editions: "der Kirchen", but in Latin: templis; likewise in the following scripture, where this is recapitulated.
3) Instead of "interpretation" in the German editions, we have put "imposition" in the text after the Latin (orLruinarstur).
1. the concern, which is held out to us on account of and in place of our most gracious Lord, by Doctorem Christianum, rests on five points and articles.
(2) First of all, since this is a great matter, and concerns the whole communion of all Christendom, we should not be hasty, for it would be difficult for us, as the smallest group, to preserve it.
3) Secondly, if this were based on the Holy Gospel, more people would undoubtedly take note of it and become attached to it. In this way, the change would be made constantly with the common crowd, without any particular difficulty.
4. thirdly, that S. C. F. G. may not be told when this order of keeping Mass, which has now been kept for perhaps many hundred years by all Christendom, began, and that used by the apostles ceased.
(5) Fourthly, since churches and monasteries are generally endowed to celebrate masses, if the masses were to be dropped, the consequences and effects of the cause of the masses would also drop and disappear, and the income of the monasteries and churches would be withheld and withdrawn.
Fifthly, if it were forbidden to anyone to impose 1) the name of heretic or persecutor of the Churches, many complaints, disagreements and discords would arise. Therefore, both the chapter and the university shall see that nothing is done or omitted from which discord or sedition might result.
(7) We have heard all of this with further content in all humility, and after having held diligent counsel, we have considered the following by order of H. C. F. G., humbly requesting that H. C. F. G. graciously hear us and diligently consider the matter, and after we have written to H. C. F. G. earlier about the grossest two abuses of the masses by those who, for their own benefit or out of orderly and endowed foundation, are thus compelled without all desire. having previously written of the two grossest abuses of the Masses, of those who, for their own benefit, or because of ordered and endowed foundation, thus compelled, without all desire and thirst of grace, keep Masses, we still say that these two abuses of the Masses shall be remedied. This can be done without complaint and indignation. And if it cannot be done, let no offense or shame be regarded in it, as Christ did to the Pharisees, who also took offense at his teaching because it was contrary to their human law and tradition,
1) See the last note to the previous number.
Matth. 15,14., said: "Let them go, they are blind and blind guides." "One should ever be more obedient to God than to men," Apost. 5, 29.
(8) And though we be the smallest house, yet the truth of the divine word, which is above all angels and creatures, because it is clearly written in the gospel and the apostle Paul, shall not be despised. For the smallest group has always preached and accepted the truth, and will remain so until the end of the world. Christ sent despised, lowly, poor, simple, unlearned and few persons into the world to preach the truth, and revealed to them alone the divine wisdom, which he hid from the great lords, prudents and wise men of this world, Matth. 11, 25. With this, the first article of our consideration is sufficiently answered.
9 To the other article. In the law of Moses, Isaiah 53:3, it was clearly stated, and in more than one place, that Christ was to be born and come into this world as a despised person, as a redeemer. No one would yet understand, find in it, nor accept Christ, except those to whom it was given by the Father, the lowly, the simple, and the poor [Matt. 11:25], who were enlightened with the Spirit of God. So also, although in the holy Gospel this foregoing and true custom of the mass and many other Christian things are clearly written, 2) the popes, prudents and wise men, for their own benefit, and that out of blind, obdurate disloyalty to their estates, honor, interest, and corner fear, cannot understand it nor permit it, For they are wholly blinded by the law of men and tradition, as the Pharisees, chief priests, and scribes of Christ's day were blinded by their own tradition and law, that they not only did not understand nor accept Christ, but also with all their strength resisted him, wholly raging. Therefore, even though it is written in the Gospel that such simple, proper Christian observance of Mass, since it is primarily the Word of God that is preached at all times, how one should observe Mass, no one would admit or refrain from doing so, since it is given and bestowed upon him from above.
2) Wittenberger: "announce"; Jenaer: "announced"; in Latin: possnvt. - Following immediately we have put instead of: "high priests" "popes", because we consider the former an inappropriate translation of kontiüoes. It could also be translated here by "bishops", or if really for that time the translation by "popes" and "bishops" should seem too daring, so they are surely meant.
(10) As for the foundations, and when these present masses first began to be said, as the third and fourth articles state, we find that the old monasteries and convents were not founded and established for the purpose of holding masses and canonical hours, without any improvement of the church and the Christian community, as is done now. But they were founded and ordered for the purpose of educating and instructing young people in the Holy Scriptures and the Christian faith. And so the old cathedrals, monasteries and convents of the Christians 1) were children's schools until the time of St. Augustine and even longer, until the time of St. Bernhardt. For this purpose, all the goods of the church were decreed and given as wages and salaries for the preachers and readers; also for the abstention of the pupils and poor people; as this is clearly found in history.
The new monasteries and convents, which were founded four or five hundred years ago, were all erected for the sake of keeping and singing masses, as is now the case. And since these monasteries require persons to celebrate a certain number of masses weekly, which cannot be done without sin, as indicated above, such endowments or compulsions should be discontinued without any hindrance. And even if some endowments to a certain number of masses do not urge anyone, since they are endowed and founded on the fact that the mass, as a sacrifice and good work, may be kept for another soul, such endowment should also be discontinued and changed. For the true mass of a pious priest is of no use to anyone but himself and no one else, nor is it more or better than when a layman goes to the sacrament, as we have instructed S. C. F. G. in our previous letter. And for this reason the founders 2) suffer no harm at all, for they have been deceived by the priests and thought they had done something useful and fruitful for themselves and their friendship, which should bring them salvation and comfort for their souls. And without a doubt, if they were standing up now, they would know themselves that it was thought up in vain, for the sake of the apostles' avarice.
12) And it is also certain that this way and form of holding a measurement for another, especially for a deceased person, for the sake of money, for a named and certain time, namely before some
1) "Christians" is missing in the Wittenberg.
2) So correctly with Walch. Wittenberg and Jena: "Stiften". In Latin: autores.
It is certain that the ancient emperors did not celebrate in their cathedrals any anniversaries, funerals or masses of the soul that they had founded. And even if such selling of masses had existed in Peter's time, it should be stopped because it is a vain sin and blasphemy. Paul already complained in his time that the Antichrist's regiment wanted to be seen in ceremonies and other works [2 Thess. 2, 4]. Therefore, such abuse of the masses should not be tolerated or suffered for the sake of any creature, whether in heaven or on earth.
13) The first and ancient way of reporting the bystanders with both figures was used until the time of Cyprian, and it is still used throughout Greece and the Oriental Church to this day, performing Mass as the apostles did.
14 And that this way and form, how now mass is read with us, is completely new, is shown by the whole diocese of Milan, which is not far from Rome, and does not have the most important part of the Canonum of the masses, and no Roman can say mass from the Milanese books. So also the way and form of the Mass has been changed and increased by the popes Damasus, Gelasius, Celestinus, Gregorius, who have been recently.
(15) Therefore one should not despise the old, first custom, the way and form of the apostles, and so freely depart from it without all Scripture. For St. Paul says: "I have taken and received from the Lord that which I have given you" [1 Cor. 11:23]. Although we do not speak of the manner and form in the first place, and there is little interest in the manner and form if the main parts remain unchanged. But we are talking about the fact that nowadays, because of the change in manner and form, great abuses and blasphemies are taking place almost in all masses, and that, contrary to Christ's order and institution, the one form is being taken away from the poor people by force.
(16) And although this would cause great trouble and discord, it is not our fault, nor the fault of those who teach and preach the truth of the divine word, but of those who, out of envy and hatred, for their own honor and benefit, do not want to accept, tolerate nor suffer, even prevent and suppress. If the same chief priests, Pharisees, together with the scribes, do not want to accept the divine word, they will not tolerate it.
1) [the] Magistris nostris eximiis, let the holy, divine Scripture be publicly heard, preached and read, whether they did not accept it, and, as they could, refuted it with reason and scriptures, and did not suppress it by force, so that there would be no discord, rebellion or disunity.
17 Because they, without any reason and scripture, against their own conscience, imagine and blow to the worldly rulers that such teaching is heretical and unjust, it is no wonder that the preachers of God's word, together with their followers, are persecuted and strangled. Therefore, one should not esteem or fear such a burden so highly. For if Christ should have regarded and feared such afflictions, discord, riots, wars, and other deaths, and the change of the whole world through his gospel, he would have had to cease his preaching, just as the apostles did. And even though their preaching caused such turmoil, uproar and sedition among the Jews at Jerusalem, because of the law set and given by God, they did not cease their preaching.
(18) The devil accuses us of such physical and external dangers in order to prevent God's word, which he cannot stand. Therefore, we should not fear the devil so much, and command God and give it home. The Scriptures must ever be fulfilled that such a great persecution should come upon Christendom, the like of which has never been since the foundation of the world, Matth. 24, 21. So also Christ clearly said, Matth. 10, 35: "I have not come to make peace on earth, but disunity between father and son, mother and daughter, husband and wife, so that one should enrage and deliver up the other for the sake of God's word. For whosoever loveth me not more (saith Christ there) than his father, and mother, and his own honor, and body, and estate, is not worthy of me: that is, he that for my word must not leave honor, and body, and estate, is not a true Christian.
019 Neither let any man offend himself, lest great and much trouble arise therefrom. For Christ, as it is written, is come into the world, and is given to them that believe on him, and on his word, to amend themselves in him, that they may have eternal life.
020 But to them that believe not in him, or in his word, he is set, and given, that they should cleave unto
1) "den Schriftwelsen" put by us instead of: "der Schriftweisen" in the Wittenberg edition. In the Latin only: cum Magistris nostris exinüis.
and thereby die eternally, and as Lucas says in the other chapter, v. 34: Hic positus est in ruinam et resurrectionem multorum in Israel. And on the 20th, v. 17: "The stone that the builders rejected has become a chief cornerstone. And every one that shall fall upon it shall be crushed; but upon him that shall fall it shall be broken. For Christ is set and given for a sign, which shall be contradicted," Luke on the next day.
Justus Jonas, Prepositus. Johannes Döltzk, Doctor. Andreas Carlstadt, Doctor. Hieronymus Schürf, Doctor. Nicolaus Amsdorf, licentiate. Philippus Melanchthon.
B. About the remarriage of the priests and Archbishop Albrecht's zeal against it; nevertheless, others have followed and the monks have begun to leave the monasteries.
1. by Bartholomäus Bernhardt of Feldkirch, as the first priest in the papacy, who started to enter the married state.
627: Luther's opening thoughts against Melanchthon about the provost's marriage at Kemberg, and the report that several have already followed in it.
See Appendix, No. 79, § 12.
628 Luther's congratulations to Gerbel for choosing the married state over the celibate life.
See Appendix, No. 71, § 7.
2) How Feldkirch, after Elector Albrecht of Mainz requested that the married priest be made responsible to Halle, has defended itself both to the Elector of Saxony and against everyone because of his marital status.
629: Feldkirch's affidavit on account of his marriage. 1521.
This writing is found in Latin in the Jena edition (1566), tom. II, col. 438 b.
Translated into German.
Against the papal laws forbidding priests to marry, protective letter of Bartholomäi Bernhard! of Feldkirch, pastor in Kemberg, who recently took a wife with his church's permission.
Answer of Bartholomäus Bernhardt from Feldkirch, pastor at Kemberg, to the pre-claim of the archbishop at Magdeburg because of his
Matrimonial.
1st Excellent doctors, because I am called to you to answer for my beginning, I will recently state how my conscience stands in this. And for the sake of Christian love, I ask that it not trouble you to hear and hear this matter diligently, as I will present it simply and honestly.
First of all, I cannot deny that I have married a virgin, for if I were to deny it, I would be ungodly deceiving my church, which, believing until now that my marriage is right, would be justly offended if I were to call my life a fornication. A bishop must be blameless, as the apostle Paul often says. Should I, then, as a ruler of the church, have an iniquity found in me? [1 Tim. 3:2Z Paul does not want our life to be offensive even to the Gentiles; and I should become an offense to the brethren if I acknowledge fornication? I therefore confess that I have married her, and will also confess that the marriage is right, as long as Christ will grant me this life.
(3) But my conscience moved me to marry her for reasons that must move all pious hearts, even though the common delusion, custom, the law of the popes and so many hundred years of agreement argue against it. A Christian must look more to what Christ wants than to what is pleasing to men; as Paul says to the Galatians [Cap. 1:10], "If I would still please men, I would not be Christ's servant"; and Matt. 8:22, "Let the dead bury their dead."
4. that my deed is not only uncourageous and ungodly, and contrary to my monastic vows, oath and obedience, but also audacious and futile.
If I am scolded for my boldness, it will easily fall away when I have rejected ungodliness and perjury. And would God that those who speak so much of boldness would look at the causes of my presumption with spiritual eyes!
(5) These are the causes and reasons of my action. Neither the law nor the gospel has ever rejected marriage, nor has Christ forbidden it to any class, whether clerical or secular. For thus it is written in Matt. 19:11, "Not all take hold of such a word, but those to whom it is given." And after this, v. 12: "He that can lay hold on it, let him lay hold on it," where Christ did not command the single estate at all, but rather made it known that it could not happen to any but those to whom it was given. This word should frighten those who surrender to the celibate state, since Christ indicates that the gift of perpetual chastity is not given to all, but to a few.
Paul, who explains Christ's opinion in 1 Cor. 7, 7, as it were, speaks of it more expansively. The passage is well known: "Each one has his gift from God, one in this way and another in another." And soon after, v. 28: "If you take a wife, you do not sin." And then (as if he was very anxious that he should not have the appearance of requiring the celibate state) he says, v. 35: "All this speech is written for your benefit, not that I should cast a snare upon you," that is, that I should not make you prisoners of any way of life. Behold. Paul is concerned that if he demanded the celibate state, he would throw a rope on it. How then shall we call the popes' statutes of celibacy, according to Paul's custom, other than ropes?
(7) Further, in v. 9, "It is better to be free than to be in heat," the apostle urges that those who are in heat should marry, if they are challenged by the lust of their flesh. For this is called suffering heat. But he teaches of two kinds of chastity. One, when one has the appearance of chastity in the heat of the flesh. The other is given by God and has nothing to do with such heat. And these must not be explained further. The first kind is commanded to marry; the other he leaves, as Christ says [Matth. 19, 11.]: "Not everyone grasps these things, but those to whom they are given.
8. if God would have considered that those who have established the abominable law of the celibate state, who have made the weak youth
to priesthoods, to monasteries. And we do not want to admit that Christ and Paul said this only to the laity, but rather the passages in the first letter to Timothy Cap. 3, 2. and in the letter to Titus Cap. 1, 6. indicate that it also applies to priests. For Paul wants a bishop to be the husband of one wife who has obedient children with all chastity.
9 From this it is clear that marriage is not forbidden to priests by divine right. And we have it from credible stories that they did not shun marriage at the beginning of the church. For who does not know Philip in the Acts of the Apostles, whom the Scriptures [Acts 21:8] call an evangelist, so that we should know that a priest had been married? And Eusebius says much about Peter's wife.
The history of Spiridion is known, who, as far as I know, was a bishop in Cyprus. Hilarius, who does not yield to any bishop of the occidental church, also had a wife, and this custom to marry has been granted in the Greek church until our times. Our unfortunate Germany, however, has taken this yoke upon itself slowly or only forcedly, as the reports of the history of the Cologne and Costnitz churches give.
(11) Moreover, the passages of Scripture which we have quoted not only leave the marriage state free to everyone, but even enjoin it on those who feel the heat of the flesh. And so far from divine law. Now we want to say something about the statutes of men.
(12) But (say) the statutes of the fathers forbid marriage? Answer: Let them see how they will answer for such statutes before God, who have laid such a burden on the people we call priests. I, for my part, call them false prophets who have given such a law; let them be whoever they want.
13. then I add this, that one should not obey the statutes of men, if the conscience suffers thereby, Apost. 5, 29: "You must obey God more than men"; and 1 Cor. 7, 23: "You were bought at a price, do not become servants of men"; and again 1 Cor. 3, 22: "All is yours, whether Paul or Apollo or Cephas" etc. And Col. 2:20: "If ye then have died with Christ etc., why suffer ye yet as living to be afflicted with the statutes of men?" etc. In these and many other passages, Scripture teaches that it is up to us to free ourselves from the ordinances of men according to our spirit.
as often as we see offense and danger in it. I was also in such danger. So what should I do? Should I rather act against God's law, which forbids fornication, than against the papal laws, which forbid marriage? Who should be such a hard bishop that he should demand his law in such a way that the divine one would be broken over it, or who would let a brother's soul perish for the sake of a bald, human custom? If someone's body was in danger because of a day of fasting, should he not also be commanded to eat? How much more must the soul's food remain free than that of the body? Is it not shameful that, since Christ gave his soul (life) for his sheep, a Christian bishop should not (for their sake) let go of a wretched statute? Paul was all things: to them that were without law, as one without law; to them that were under the law, as one that kept the law [1 Cor. 9:20]. But these would that all things should send themselves into their statutes and judgments with the host, much less that they should send themselves into weakness with the host.
(14) It should also be considered here what Paul writes in 1 Tim. 4:3 that it will happen that lying spirits will forbid marriage; and Daniel Cap. 11:37 prophesied that the Antichrist will not respect women (for these are the words of the prophet). These passages have moved my spirit to believe that the Spirit of God has foretold this in Scripture, so that pious hearts may diligently guard against the statutes of the celibate state, and, knowing that they are of the devil, may not consider breaking them. In this passage of Paul, the Roman popes may be reflected, who insist so stubbornly on the celibate state that they deny that no marriage can be right that is contrary to their canons.
(15) I see, looking at the histories, that the holiest men have long and constantly opposed such a celibate state. In the Nicene Assembly, some wanted the presbyters, deacons and subdeacons to live celibate. But the martyr Paphnutius opposed this and did not allow it to arise, and the whole council of Christian bishops agreed with him, so that the clergy kept their former freedom. In the sixth Constantinopolitan Concilio, a statute was also added, in which it was decreed that one should not vow the celibate state, and that those should be banished who would deprive women of the clerical state. It
This resolution is mentioned in dist. 31. And if one holds so much on the conciliar conclusions, and prefers to accept the old ones rather than the new ones, why then did we let these depart from their resolutions, especially since they were better and closer to the Gospel than these new ones from the celibate state?
(16) So far I have shown that I was not bound to obey the papal laws with such danger to my soul, because no statutes of men that endanger the conscience are to be kept. For this is what Paul means when he says, 1 Cor. 7:23, that we are not to become servants of men.
Now I must also apologize for perjury. I do not know any other way than that I swore with the words: I want to do what the statutes of the fathers command. However, I have been appointed Subdiaconus at Brandenburg, Diaconus at Halberstadt and Priest at Chur in Graubünden. Now I will let you judge what the ordinary, common oath is about. For if all errors against the canons are equal to perjury, then priests commit perjury as often as they do not fast according to the canons, do not find themselves properly dressed according to them, in short, nowhere will there be more perjury than among those who impiously wrest such an oath from us.
18 And it is well to note that the Canons require this: that no one be bound contrary to divine law, nor command anything that can be done without danger to conscience. If this is so, then, as often as one swears to keep the canons, nothing against divine law is pledged, and even in this oath the case of necessity is excluded, which is to dispense with the statutes. Gerson deals with this extensively in the Commentary on the Spiritual Life.
19 How? when one has also sworn on the canons, with the piece attached: As much as human frailty permits. For this is usually added in many churches. For then one has sworn: one wants to be celibate as long as the weakness of the flesh allows it; but what is weaker than the flesh? For we cannot even think of anything good of ourselves, as the apostle testifies in 2 Cor. 3:5.
(20) And if one had expressly sworn from the celibate state, one must break the vow if there is danger to the soul. For then it cannot be kept without sin.
21. for first of all, god does not want you to give him
I vow everything without distinction, as he testifies in Jer. 4:2; for there the prophet means to swear in truth, 1) judgment and righteousness, that is, if you interpret it correctly, he forbids lying and swearing to unrighteous or evil things. Furthermore, if I had sworn an oath of celibacy, which I could not keep, what great and grievous sins I would have brought upon myself! I have erred once, that I have vowed into a mischief; do the bishops then want that I should always err, yes, sin? Is it not possible to revoke such oaths, which escape from one's carelessness, if they cannot be kept without horrible sin? Indeed, the papal laws give dispensation from the rule of orders, and with regard to those who enter the monastery, from the oath of minors, so that they, because such age does not understand the burden of the conjugal state, have unthinkingly joined themselves. I praise the opinion of the popes who count themselves free from the vow; but I do not praise that they count only such young people free. For it can happen that even a man does not know himself well; and since the same reason for dispensing with vows can occur both in the case of minors and minors, why should one not judge in the same way?
(22) We see in the Scriptures examples of the saints changing some unrighteous oaths. David had sworn to kill Nabal. Abigail set out to meet him, turned him from his purpose, and David gloriously and heartily thanked God that He had kept him from the intended deathblow, for he knew his error when he said, "Who hath fed me, that I should not do evil" (1 Sam. 25:21 ff.). V. 39. Did I then, who could not keep my vows without sinning, not break them?
Look around in your canons what such an oath means. For in 22. 3. and 4. there is much that confirms my opinion. In the fourth book of Moses, Cap. 30, God's word cancels some vows; as when a woman vows something and the man is not satisfied with it, and the like much more. Such vows are annulled because a woman has no power either over her body or over the goods, if such a thing were vowed. This very reason can also absolve me from my vows, because the gift of eternal chastity is not in anyone's power.
1) According to the Vulgate, veritsats is to be read instead of virtuts in the text.
(24) If Moses declares the oath null and void, by which something that is not ours is pledged, why is it demanded of him to keep the oath who has pledged the celibate state out of carelessness, since it is a thing that does not rhyme at all with human nature, and which cannot be kept without great and terrible sins? And who is not surprised that one cries out about his perjury, who takes a wife, and yet does not cry out about their unfaithfulness, who roll around in the very worst abominations of unchastity?
25 In the fifth book of Moses, Cap. 23, 18, it is commanded that one shall not sacrifice the wages of whores. How much less will God want to sacrifice the impure state of celibacy? If He calls the wages of whores an abomination, who would not believe that such a hypocritical and impure state of celibacy is an abomination?
I therefore apologize for the perjury: first, that I am not aware that I have sworn anything expressly about the celibate state; second, that such a thing should not have been sworn; finally, that even if I had sworn, such a thing is not to be kept, which one cannot keep without sin. In this I appeal to the judgment of the Christian heart.
27 From this you can clearly see: first, that nothing has been sinned against the divine laws; then, that I was authorized to break human laws in such obvious danger to my soul; finally, that the vow was made to me in vain, be it sworn, as it may.
Therefore there is no reason to condemn my deed as ungodly; and I have presented my case in such a way that you see I have acted according to my conscience, and that I was not driven to it by lust or audacity, but by common weakness and extreme necessity. What danger there is in the common unmarried state, as it tends to be, and how certain such danger is, I do not need to go into detail, because it is well known enough. And if those who accuse me want to take it to heart, they will not only not reject my example, but rather praise it, if they are Christians otherwise. Christ will be our judge; hopefully he will like my deed. And I have looked to this alone, that Christ may be pleased with me.
29 I did not raise this defense because I wanted to protect myself with these reasons against the power of the bishops,
but only to show that I was moved to marriage for godly reasons; because a true Christian must give due account of his life and faith. I might well have wished that with these reasons the bishops would also be satisfied. I would like them to have compassion for my weakness; I would like them not to lead out thoughtlessly against godly reasons, for why should my freedom be judged by a foreign conscience? But if they want to speak according to the statutes of the popes rather than according to the holy scriptures and the ancient conciliar, then I will bear the Lord's wrath until the time comes when I know that the light will dawn on him who sits in darkness. For this is the comfort of the prophet Micah, Cap. 7, 8. 9. But let them see that they do not run against Christ and against his little ones, whom he cares for as the apple of his eye.
30. May you, excellent doctors, receive this letter of protection favorably, and in Christian love support the good cause, and protect it against violence, so that the prophet may not also have prophesied about you when he says Mich. 7, 3: "As the prince wills, so will the judge. Amen.
630 Feldkirch's petition to the Elector Frederick of Saxony, in which he defends his marital status with concise reasons based on divine and secular rights. 1521.
This writing is found in Latin in the Jena edition (1566), tom. II, toi. 440b.
Translated into German.
Most Serene Prince, Most Gracious Lord! That the highborn and most reverend Cardinal claims that my responsibility is not sufficient, and that my deed is still proclaimed ungodly, I cannot say anything else, because the reasons for my defense have not yet been refuted.
First of all, as far as perjury is concerned, I am not aware of having sworn other than to keep the canons of the fathers. Even a craftsman knows what such a general oath formula means. Furthermore, even if I had expressly sworn to the celibate state, oaths are not binding, which cannot be kept without sin, as I have proved with David's example. And the example of the prophets
teach this, which so often condemn the alliances of the kings of Judah with godless kings. Also no human statute binds, which cannot be kept without sin, Matth. 15,3: You have abrogated God's commandment because of your statute.
(3) And I have already proven this earlier with such certain and suitable scriptural passages that I hope no one will be so insolent as to contradict them; at least they calm my conscience completely that I have no hesitation about dying. For such an ungodly nature is far from me that I want to misuse the word of God as a false pretext or cover for my deed! And since I am of this opinion, and my conscience is thus satisfied, what kind of hardness must this be, that one would rather just throw me to the ground than instruct me better!
4 But if I am blamed for wanting to overturn only what the Roman popes and emperors have decreed, everyone can see that I neither want to nor can do this, for I do not overturn such law. But from the law of men I make myself free according to the Gospel, and that as far as I must. For I must look more to my salvation than to all that men ordain, Acts 5:29. 5, 29. Therefore, the need to keep the divine law has driven me to break the laws of men. Although I know that the canons and the laws themselves are so kind that they do not want to bind any man against God.
(5) Nor can you turn away from anger. For one does not have to look at the offense when sin is to be controlled. 1 Cor. 10, 29: "Why should I let my liberty be judged by another man's conscience?" And Christ, Matth. 15, 12, despised the offense. Since the apostles argued: The Pharisees were angry at your speech, he said, "Let them be, they are blind men and leaders of the blind. But if one blind man lead another, they both fall into the pit." If Christ despised the offense, that he called them blind men, who had such precepts, the followers of the same were also blind, who ordered the celibate state, because they took heed to seducing spirits and devils, 1 Tim. 4:1; so they also are blind according to Christ's word, who obeyed this cruel statute with danger to their souls.
I now leave it undecided whether the emperor or the pope founded the matrimonial state. Pabst has founded the marriageless state. This much is certain, that the apostle Paul calls those lying spirits who want to forbid marriage. I will leave the most reverend power in honor; but Paul commands the Romans that no one judge another about things that are based on evangelical freedom [Rom. 14], and holds that such things must be left to God's judgment alone, who is a judge of the heart. For this reason, the most reverend must take care that he does not go against the apostle, who forbids judging a foreign freedom.
7 I therefore ask, for the sake of Jesus Christ, that God have mercy on my distress, and that He have the providence not to expect more of me than I have offered, although I will gladly suffer anything, if God wills it otherwise. God keep E. C. F. G. for the benefit of the Gospel! Wittenberg in Saxony, in the year 1521.
3. the subsequent abandonment of the monasteries, which Luther, through his book of monastic vows, partly initiated and partly approved of, but by no means approved of the abuses that took place.
631 Luther's report to Spalatin of Nov. 11, 1521, on how he was now willing to attack monastic vows and deliver young people from the hell of the celibate state.
See Appendix, No. 80, § 7.
The book itself, "Luthers Urtheil von den geistlichen und Klostergelübden," is found in the St. Louis edition, vol. XIX, 1500 ff.
632 Luther's complaint to John Lang that he had to notice how many monks left the monasteries merely for the sake of carnal freedom.
See Appendix, No. 101.
See Appendix, No. 102, § 2.
The second section of Chapter Eight.
What evil changes took place in Luther's absence, and of Luther's return to Wittenberg as a result.
A. Of the so-called new prophets, who had meanwhile begun in Zwickau and had also come to Wittenberg.
1. from the Wittenberg report on the puddle to the Elector of Salmon, and how he behaved.
634 Melanchthon's report to the Elector Frederick of Saxony about the arrival of three men from the so-called new prophets at Zwickau and about their actions and nature, from which it can be seen that these will-o'-the-wisps had greatly blinded Melanchthon, who was otherwise not lacking in wisdom and insight.
Dec. 27, 1521.
where the original is printed, which, as Seckendorf says, is kept in Leipzig, and is dated "from the day of St. John the Evangelist 1522", that is, Dec. 27, 1521, because the new year used to begin with Christmas.
Newly translated from the Latin.
To the most illustrious and exceedingly wise Prince, Lord Frederick, Duke of Saxony, Elector, the Lamp of Israel, his most gracious Lord.
I wish Your Electoral Grace the grace and peace of Christ. E. C. F. G. gives me credit for having dared to write to you, because at this time very great and dangerous things require my attention and care. (The matter, however, that he had to present is this:) 1) E. C. F. G. knows very well how many, manifold and dangerous ambiguities about the word of God there are in E. C. F. G.. C. F. G. city of Zwickau have been raised. There are also some who have made I do not know what kind of innovations, thrown into prison. Of the authors of these
1) The words we put in brackets seem to be an insertion by Seckendorf, because they are not printed in italics like the rest.
Three men have come here because of the riots, two are clothiers, unlearned people, the third is scientifically educated. I heard them. They say strange things about themselves: they are sent by the bright voice of God to teach, they have confidential conversations with God, they see future things, in short, they are prophetic and apostolic men. How I was moved by them, I cannot easily say. I am certainly prompted by great causes that I do not want to despise them, for it appears for many reasons that certain spirits are in them, but about which no one but Martin can easily judge. Therefore, because the Gospel, the honor and the peace of the church are in danger here, every effort must be made to give these people the opportunity to talk to Martin, because they refer to him. I would not write to E. C. F. G. if the greatness of the matter did not require that advice be given in time. For we must be careful at the same time, lest we be overcome by Satan. May the Lord keep E. C. F. G. alive for the salvation of His Church.
E. C. F. G.
most subservient
Philip Melanchthon.
635 Spalatin's account of how Chursachsen had spoken out in the matter of the new prophets.
From Spalatin's Historia, Hiäeriei Hievor, bei Seckendorf, lügt. lib. I, p. 193a.
Since the wretched swarm spirits, Nicol. Stork and Marx von Elsterburg, absent D. Martin's Luther, who was still in his Patmos, had gone to Wittenberg, and had caused almost all misfortune, and had also almost saddened the most learned and distinguished, for which reason his electoral graces required some high scholars to go to Pretin to advise on the matter with God's help. When it came to the council, and his electoral graces had heard the misgivings of his councilors and servants, as they could suffer in the same dealings, they said
His Electoral Grace, among other things, said these harsh words with great seriousness: "This is a great, important trade, and one that I, as a layman, do not understand. Now my dear God has given my brother and me quite a bit of poverty; if I now understood the things before I wanted to act with knowledge against God, before I wanted to take a staff in my hand and walk away. The words of his princely grace astonished the councilors and servants who existed at that time, and certainly his heart stood the same way until the end of his life.
2. from Luther's correspondence with Melanchthon and Spalatin, the new prophets half.
636 Luther's letter to Melanchthon of January 13, 1522, in which he indicates how these new spirits should be tested, also at the same time aptly asserts the infant baptism rejected by them.
See Appendix, No. 103.
637 Luther's reminder to Spalatin that he should work to prevent the Elector from staining his hands with the blood of the Zwickau prophets.
See Appendix, No. 104.
How Luther himself met with the new prophets after his return from Patmos and soon discovered by their performance what spiritual children they were.
638 Luther's report of this to Lang, in which he asserts, among other things, that he had obviously encountered Satan in them.
See Appendix, No. 105, the postscript.
639 Luther's report to Spalatin about how Nicolaus Storch, one of the new prophets who did not attend the above meeting, came to him in soldier's clothing, along with two others, and what he said.
See Appendix, No. 93, the postscript. In Walch's old edition, this is separated from the letter and included in the appendix as No. 6VI.
B. Of the Carlstadt riots, which mainly forced Luthern to return to Wittenberg.
1. as Luther already complained in his patmos about Carlstadt's disagreement in doctrine, but nevertheless, in order not to give his opponents any trouble, tolerated him.
640 In his Patmos against Amsdorf, Luther expresses distress over Carlstadt's contrary doctrinal opinions, explaining that although he could easily be resisted, it would give the opponents the opportunity to boast as if the Wittenbergers themselves were at odds with one another, to the great annoyance of the weak.
See Appendix, No. 97, § 3.
2. Luther's decision to return to Wittenberg.
641. short summarium of the first five of the "eight sermons against D. Carlstadt's innovations in Wittenberg," March 9-16, 1522.
This writing is not, as Walch meant and put in the title, an "answer of Luther to the Wittenbergers", but a Summarium of a part of the eight sermons, which he preached from March 9 to 16, 1522 at Wittenberg. For the locations, we refer to the 20th volume of our edition, Col. 6, note. Our assumption just expressed is further substantiated in the introduction to the 20th volume, p. 16 b and in the note mentioned. We give the text according to the Jena edition (1585), vol. II, p. 68. There, the writing is among those of 1522, but there it has the title: "Schrifft D. M. L. Wider die Neverung zu Wittemberg, durch D.Carlstad angericht, weil D. Martinus, after the Diet of Wormbs was held, XXI in his Pathmo." This writing does not belong in this place, but should have been after No. 656. Even the Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol. III, p. 290 f., still has in a registry the superscription: "Luther an die Wittenberger." The locations of this writing are given in our edition, Vol. XX, Introduction, p. 6, note.
1 I cannot be with you all the way; every man is guilty of dying for himself, and of suffering his death, and of waiting for the greatest trials in his departure; no one will be able to have counsel or help with him. I will not be with you; you, in turn, will not be with me. Who then exists
1980 Erl. SS, ss-101. sec. 2. evil changes in Wittbg. No. 641. w. xv. 2370-2373. 1981
against sin, hell and the devil, he is blessed; he who does not stand up to them is condemned.
(2) But no one can stand unless he has learned and practiced the comforting sayings against sin in his life. What the soul has received in the world, that it takes away with it, and nothing else. No one can stand against the devil and hell, for he has thoroughly recognized Christ, that he knows how to defy the devil without a doubt, how Christ died for him, overcame hell and the devil; and that he is the one to whom it has been done well, and whom God wants to have blessed: so he must be blessed, even if all devils were against it.
(3) We are all born sinners, and thus corrupted in Adam's birth by his fall, that by our powers and wills we can do nothing but sin, and nothing is free, as Paul says in Ephesians 2:3: Omnes natura sumus filii irae. But Christ has borne our inability in life and death.
4 As Christ has done to us, so shall we do to our neighbor. Christ bore our infirmities, and we ought to bear our neighbor's infirmities also. Christ gives us credit for falling into sin, so that we may pass over in the same way; why should we not give something to our neighbor?
(5) This innovation has been introduced with masses, images, attacking the sacrament, and other dissolute things, in which there is no interest, letting go of faith and love, as if all the world around had a great understanding of these things, which is not the case, and made many devout people attracted to it, which is the devil's work.
(6) It would be a good thing to do such things if we all had faith at the same time, and if it pleased the whole community so that no one would be offended. But this will never happen. We cannot all be so learned as Carlstadt. Therefore we must yield to the weak; otherwise you who are strong will run very fast, and the weak who cannot follow you at the same pace will perish.
God has given you the word pure and has shown great mercy to those in Wittenberg.
Yet I feel no love at all from you. How much more should you tolerate those who have never heard the word? We still have many brothers and sisters who live in Leipzig, in the country of Meissen, and elsewhere around; we must also have them with us to heaven. If Duke George and many others are angry with us about this, we should nevertheless bear them and hope for the best from them. It is possible that they will be better than we are.
(8) Now this business has been started quickly, purdi purdi, and driven in with fists; I do not like it at all that you know it; and if it comes to that, I will not stand with you in this business either. You have started it without me, so see that you can carry it out without me. It is not right what you have done, and if Carlstadt etc. had said it again.
(9) You have brought in many wretched consciences who have taken the sacrament and attacked it, torn down images, eaten eggs and flesh. If they were to give account to the devil in their death or in a trial, they would not know a hair's breadth about it. You have been a cause of destruction, that you have plunged into it so carelessly, and you still want to have the glory of it, as if you were a Christian, and better than another. You are far wrong; you want to serve God with it, not knowing that you are just the forerunner of the devil.
(10) Believe me, I know the devil well, and almost well; he started it only because he wanted to desecrate the word that was spoken. He has led you on a little fool's errand, to attack the sacrament, to eat eggs and flesh, so that in the meantime you forget faith and love. And look at me right away, as if those who started this game sought their glory, the devil also gave them their reward.
(11) Now let us see the things which you have done in my absence. First of all, the things that God has commanded to be kept must be kept, and no other; nor has any man on earth power over them, neither bishop nor pope. Some things God has left us free to do, such as eating, drinking, womanizing, etc., of which God commanded nothing,
also has not forbidden anything. These things must also remain free, and no man on earth or angel in heaven has to change them.
(12) Here the popes and bishops came and made of this freedom ropes and statutes, appointed priests and monks, forbade them to marry, imposed fasting days, and suppressed the right fasting, so that they brought many hundreds of thousands of souls to the devil. And by this they have just served the devil; yes, the devil himself has done it, when Paul says 1 Tim. 4,1-3: "False spirits will come with devilish doctrines, forbidding the marriage state and the food that God has created to be enjoyed. For no authority nor man has power to change God's word. What God has left free, that shall remain so without any addition. Therefore, what the pope or bishops do in this regard is nothing.
Thirteen: In these free things thou shalt not press into any place. If the pope says, You shall not eat eggs or meat on Friday; if you do, you commit sin. If they come, then, as to a necessary thing, resist them, and say, Now will I eat it first, that thou hast forbidden it against God.
(14) In this way one should deal with the "troublesome" and against the stiff-necked; but against the weak, who have no understanding, of whom there are many, who would gladly do if they knew right, one should deal with them gently and neatly, teach them, and as St. Paul says [Heb. 5:13] feed them with milk food, while they are still young in the faith.
When a child is first born, it is first given soft food, that is, milk; then a little stronger, as mush and porridge, until it grows stronger, then it is given cheese and bread etc. So it is also here. You must yield to your neighbor until he also becomes strong and equal to you. St. Paul, when he was with the Jews, lived according to their customs; with the Gentiles, he also lived according to their ways. If you have suckled enough and become strong, will you cut off the teats so that the others cannot suckle? Should the mothers all
If you were to throw away children who could not soon eat, where would you be? Dear fellow, when you have sucked enough and grown up, let another suck and grow up too.
(16) In these free things it gains this place that necessity requires, as, a sick person, or a pregnant woman, if they cannot eat fish, they eat meat, be it when it will, it offends whoever will. If they permit such things in Rome for money, then it is permitted for me in my need, free without money, and no one shall judge me in my freedom, which I have from God. It is the same with taking wives and the like.
(17) But the kingdom of heaven does not depend on eating and drinking. If you eat, you are not the better or the less a Christian, even if you do not eat etc. But St. Paul says [Rom. 14, 15]: "If any trouble should come of it, I would never eat meat," 1 Cor. 8, 13.
(18) It is true that the word shall not depart from any man, but shall go forth judicially, God willing, whether it be for pope or bishop, emperor, king or prince. Notice a similitude: the sun has the radiance, and the heat or warmth; neither emperor nor king can bend the radiance. So, the word shall not depart from anyone; but the heat one can well flee, and go into the shade; so does love, which yields to the neighbor as often as it is necessary.
19 Again, one should not penetrate to the other side. This one eats eggs, that one too, so they all have to eat eggs. Not yet! What should I complain about, that I eat fish for the benefit of my neighbor? I would do a greater thing, if it were for his benefit. So I can wear this cap for my enemies (if their conversion is to be hoped for) and for the weak, and I should not complain.
Luther wrote to Spalatin that he was hearing worse things every day, and that it was necessary for him to return to Wittenberg as soon as possible, so that the Elector would not have to worry about him.
See Appendix, No. 104.
1984 Erl. 53, 103 f. Sect. 3. L.'s return to Wittenbg. No. 643 f. W. XV, 2375 f. 1985
Section Three of Chapter Eight.
From Luther's departure from his Patmos at Wartburg, his return, and his public appearance at Wittenberg.
How Luther announced his return to the trousers - but the Elector did not want to allow it at all.
643 Luther's letter to the Elector of Saxony, in which he congratulates him on God's visitation of him with this cross (the unrest in Wittenberg); he should not be frightened by it, but thank and praise God; but he wants to be present soon. End of Feb. 1522.
Here Walch has brought a fragment which Seckendorf, List. 6utti., 11k. I, p. 217, ex eoxlal. [retiiv. Vinar. into Latin; afterwards Elias Frick translated it again into German in the German Seckendorf, p. 449. This translation was taken up by Walch and after him by the Erlangen edition, vol. 64, p. 383. This is a part of the letter that is first found in the supplement of the Leipzig edition, p. 33, then in Walch, vol. XXI, 32; in De Wette, vol. II, p. 136 and in the Erlangen edition, vol. 53, p. 103. We give here the letter completely after De Wette, who compared the original.
To my most gracious lord, Duke Frederick, Elector of Saxony, in his own hand.
Grace and happiness from God the Father to the new sanctuary. Such greeting I now write, my most gracious Lord, instead of my offering. E. F. G. has for many years been seeking sanctuary in all lands; 1) but now God has heard E. F. G.'s desire. F. G.'s desire, and sent home without any food and effort a whole cross with nails, spears and scourges. But I say again: grace and happiness from God to the new sanctuary. E. F. G. only do not be afraid, yes, stretch out your arms confidently, and let the nails go in deep, yes, give thanks and be happy: so it must and should go, whoever wants to have God's word, that not only Annas and Caiaphas rage, but also Judas is among the apostles, and Satanas among the children of God. E. F. G. only be wise and prudent, and
1) See St. Louis edition, vol. XIX, inset, p. 506 f.
Do not judge by reason and appearance of the being; do not be afraid, it is not yet there where Satanas wants to go. E.F.G. believe me fools a little bit, because I know these and similar handles of Satan, therefore I am not afraid; that hurts him. Everything is still in the beginning. Let the world cry out and judge, let fall whoever falls, also St. Peter and the apostles, they will probably come back on the third day, when Christ rises again. This must also be fulfilled for us, 2 Cor. 6 [v. 5]: Exhibeamus nos in seditionibus etc.. E. F. G. wants to have for good, before great haste the pen had to run, I have no more time, will myself, God willing, be there soon. E. F. G. only take care of me nothing.
E. F. G. subservient servant Martinus Luther.
644: Instruction from Elector Frederick of Saxony to Johann Oswald, Amtmann in Eisenach, to Luther. End of Feb. 1522.
The original concept of this typeface can be found in Weimar H6A. D. 61t. X. X. col. 101. It is printed in the 6orp. Rec. I, 559, No. 201 and thereafter in the Erlanger Briefwechsel, Vol. Ill, p. 292. In Walch's old edition, an extract from this writing is found at this point, which Seckendorf, nist. 6utti., Ud. I, p. 217 translated into Latin, and Elias Frick then retranslated into German. We give the writing in its entirety according to the Erlangen correspondence.
By the Grace of God Frederick, Duke of Saxony and Elector.
Instruction, what our dear faithful Johann Oßwald should advertise to Dort. Luther should advertise.
First of all, we would like to say our gracious greetings, and then tell you that my most gracious lord, the Elector of Saxony, has received his current letter, 2) in which he would like to extend to his elector his grace and good fortune.
2) namely, Luther's letter referred to in the previous number.
wishes from God to the new sanctuary and whole cross, and subsequently writes that his Lordship should now be wise and prudent, and not judge by reason and appearance of being, and finally indicates that he himself, if God wills, wants to be there, and his Lordship should only assume nothing according to all content and reading.
Now he himself would know that the order of his grandfather in these matters was not judged, and perhaps did much less than was proper and due in such serious cases. For they had taken many a strange action at Wittenberg and were not in agreement about the matter among themselves.
Those in the monastery and the chapter would not all agree, not even those in the university.
Thus, in Wittenberg, such things would be held outside Wittenberg without end, since some would be dependent on those in Wittenberg, one otherwise, the other thus mass, one in mass robe, the other without mass robe. And even if it should be good, it would be at least an impropriety.
Many students also moved away from it. 1) Thus, several princes had also requested their applicants 2) from the University of Wittenberg for this reason.
According to this, his chiefs would not know what should be the best in this. Therefore, because he writes that his chiefs should now be prudent and wise, and not judge according to reason and appearance of the being, his chiefs would be graciously requested to indicate what he thinks and respects. G.'s gracious request, he would indicate to his Chf. G. what he thinks and respects that S. Chf. G. should or should not do in these matters, and that [he] wants to send his Chf. G. an answer. For S. Chf. G. does not want to do or undertake anything that would be contrary to God's will and His holy word. Even if something unreasonable should be done, from which indignation and complaining would arise, S. Chf.
Thus, the Reich's regiment at Nuremberg had written, requested and asked S. Chf. G. about these matters in various days: 3) if
1) Melanchthon and Aurogallus also intended to leave Wittenberg, but were prevented from doing so by Luther's return.
2) "Bewandten" == subjects. Margrave Joachim of Brandenburg, Henry the Younger, Duke of Brunswick and Duke George of Saxony had recalled their subjects from Wittenberg "so that the youth, inclined to evil, would not be led into this unchristian work and error". Wittb. Vol. IX, 141 b.
3,) January 20. The following up to the end of this paragraph is found in the same wording in the letter of the
If a prince has raised or brought about an innovation of this kind against the traditional Christian usage in his principality, or if such an innovation would arise in the future, he is not to allow it to take root, but is to prohibit it severely under severe penalty, to prevent it diligently, and, if he wishes, to exhort and proclaim it in the pulpit by skilled preachers. etc.
Some bishops, such as the bishop of Meissen, can now be heard as if they wanted to preach themselves in the places where the people should be deceived and to order others to preach. Also S. Chf. G. the Bishop of Meissen recently wrote in response to a letter from the kingdom's regiment, stating that it was his right from his episcopal office 4) to send out virtuous preachers by divine appointment at the time of the holy fasts and other times, to proclaim the word of God and of the holy church, and to exhort the poor simple-minded people, especially in the region where there is already an uprising, to Christian unity and obedience. Majesty's governor and regiment, as well as his good opinion, and to reject them from their error to the best of his ability.
If it would now be made good and right by such preaching, then it would certainly like it manly. And when he [Luther] also indicated at the end of his letter, as if he himself wanted to be there soon, if God so willed, and his Lord should only accept nothing at all, his Lord would not know whether he wanted to indicate that his will and opinion would be to turn back to Wittenberg.
But if this were his mind, then S. Chf. G. would have misgivings that he should not go there again for the time being. For S. Chf. G. would not be able to judge that it would be to his benefit if he were to let himself be seen in public in these runs.
Should he now be found out in Wittenberg, and the Pope and the Emperor's Majesty continue to proceed and proceed against him with their mandate issued above, S. Chf. Majesty, with their mandate issued above, proceed and proceed further against him, and also command and mandate S. Chf. G. with several processes to have him answered, that S. Chf. G. does not yet know the reason that this should be done, because he is still unconquered, S. Chf.
Imperial Regiment to the Bishop John of Meissen. The bishop sent this letter to the Elector on February 12 (Erl. Briefw.).
4) The following to the end of the paragraph is almost verbatim from the letter of February 12 (Erl. Briefw.).
1988 Erl. Epistol. Ill, SS4 f. Section 3: L.'s return to Wittenberg. No. 644 f. W. LV, 2377 f. 1989
The first time he is wronged, the second time he is wronged.
So he must also know that S. Chf. G. has so far never taken any further notice of him and the matter, except that S. Chf. G. has graciously requested him from Kais. Majesty to graciously listen to his simple, humble request. S. Chf. G. would not know how to get involved any further, nor to accept him and the matter, who he had not yet overcome, and he himself wrote that S. Chf. G. should only accept nothing from him.
If, however, S. Chf. G., if he were to turn again to Wittenberg, should refuse the Pope and Kais. Majesty's request, and not obey it, nor have sufficient cause to refuse it, he would have to consider what good might result for His Majesty and his lands and people.
But His Grace would be well disposed, if His Grace actually and thoroughly knew what was right and good in God's will, so to suffer, endure and leave what His Grace should, that His Grace would have no complaint for his person. For if this were to be the right cross and sanctuary of God, then S. Chf. G. would not have been appalled by it, but because God had said that His yoke was sweet and His burden light, S. Chf. G. would gladly bear the cross, if they knew that it was to be of God, without doubt that God would grant S. Chf. G. help and strength for it. However, they made it so strange and diverse in Wittenberg that so many sects arose from it that men became confused about it, and no one knew who was the cook or the waiter.
But that because of S. Chf. G.'s head or main also other people should come to harm and complaint, that would be almost burdensome for S. Chf. G. as well.
In addition, in his gracious opinion, S. Chf. G. does not want to keep it from him that there is now talk that a new Imperial Diet is to be set up and announced around mid-Lent, and thus presumably at this same Imperial Diet his cause will not be one of the least that will be acted upon. Accordingly, S. Chf. G. considers that perhaps it would be good for him to have patience in the meantime, to abstain until it is seen how things will turn out, and also, if he considers it good, to send his written reminder and concerns about what should be done in these matters to the aforementioned Diet, if God Almighty wants to bestow His grace to accomplish something good. For it would stand on it that the things would come in the meantime to a big change.
If, however, God's will and work should be prevented by this, this would not be dear to His Holiness, and for this reason he wants to have all this placed in his mind, which is experienced in these high things.
His Lordship's Grace, who means it graciously, well and faithfully, did not want to restrain him in his gracious opinion. Date ut s. 1)
B. How Luther nevertheless set out, and on the way also freely announced his return to Hose, and what means Elector Frederick the Wise took to see himself out of suspicion and guilt with the Emperor and the Imperial Regiment because of Luther's return to Wittenberg.
645 Luther's letter of March 5, 1522, from Borna, on the journey, to the Elector, which is written with unheard-of frankness.
This letter is found in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 146b; in the Jena edition (1585), vol. II, p. 69b; in the Altenburg edition, vol. II, p. 90; in the Leipzig edition, vol. XVIII, p. 271; in De Wette, vol. II, p. 137 and in the Erlangen edition, vol. 53, p. 104.
To the most illustrious, highborn Prince and Lord, Lord Frederick, Duke of Saxony, Elector of the Holy Roman Empire, Landgrave in Thuringia, Margrave of Meissen, my most gracious Lord and Patron.
Jesus. 2)
Favor and peace from God our Father, and our Lord Jesus Christ, and my most humble service.
Most Serene, Highborn Prince, Most Gracious Lord! E. C. F. G. Schrift und gnädiges Bedenken 3) ist mir zu Freitag [den 28. Febr.] zu Abend zukommen, als ich auf morgen,
1) The date of this instruction in Corp. Heb is February 20, which is too early, but in Burkhardt, p. 45: March 3, which is too late. This "gracious concern" of the Elector reached Luther's hands, as we see from Luther's next letter, "on Friday [28 February] in the evening". Cf. SeidemannDe Wette, vol. VI, p. 579, note 7.
2) "Jesus" is missing in De Wette and in the Erlangen edition.
3) The previous paper, No. 644.
Saturday, want to ride out. And that E. C. F. G. means it in the very best way must of course be neither confession nor testimony with me, because I am certain of it, as much as human investigation gives. But again, since I also mean well, methinks I know it from higher than human inquiry; but that does nothing.
2) But I let myself look at E. C. F. G.'s writing as if my writing had 1) moved E. C. F. G. a little, so that I write that E. C. F. G. should be wise. But against such delusion, my great confidence has humbled me, 2) that E. C. F. G. probably recognizes my heart better than that I should falter E. C. F. G.'s highly praised reason with such kind of words. For I hope that my heart is ever in that, that I have always had a desire and pleasure in E. C. F. G. before all princes and sovereigns for a reason, without all hypocrisy.
What I have written, however, was done out of concern that I wanted to comfort E. C. F. G.; not for my own sake, of which I had no thought at the time, but for the sake of the clumsy trade, namely in Wittenberg, to great dishonor of the Gospel by ours. There I was afraid that E. C. F. G. would bear a great burden. For I myself was so driven by misery that, if I had not been certain that the Gospel was with us, I would have despaired of the matter. Everything that has hurt me so far in this matter has been shame and nothing. Even if it could have been, I would gladly have bought it with my life. For it has been done in such a way that we can neither answer for it before God nor before the world, and yet it is on my neck, and before that the holy Gospel. This grieves me from the bottom of my heart.
Therefore, most gracious Lord, my writing does not extend further than to that, 3) and not to my trade, that C.F.G. should not look at the present image of the devil in this game. And such an admonition, although it would not be necessary for E. C. F. G., has nevertheless been necessary for me to do.
1) Letter No. 643.
2) humble - instructed, taught.
3) Randglosse der Wittenberger: die solche Unlust zu Wittenberg anichtet haben.
(5) But concerning my cause, most gracious lord, I answer thus: E. C. F. G. knows, or does she not know, let it be known to her herewith: that I have the gospel not from men, but only from heaven, through our Lord Jesus Christ, that I might well have boasted and written myself (as I will do henceforth) a servant and evangelist. But that I offered myself for interrogation and judgment was not because I doubted it, but out of other humility to entice others.
But now I see that my too much humility wants to lead to the degradation of the gospel, and the devil wants to completely take the place where I give him only a hand's breadth, I have to do something else for the sake of my conscience. I have done enough for E. C. F. G. that I have refrained from serving E. C. F. G. this year 4). For the devil knows very well that I did it for no reason. He saw my heart well when I arrived in Worms, that if I had known that so many devils had held out for me as there are tiles on the roofs, I would still have jumped among them with joy.
Now Duke George 5) is still far unlike a single devil. And since the Father of abysmal mercy has made us through the gospel joyful lords over all devils and death, and has given us the riches of confidence that we may say to him, dearest Father, E. C. F. G. himself can judge that it is the highest dishonor to such a Father, if we should not trust in him as well, that we also find wrath over Duke George.
8 I know this well about myself, if this matter were to stand in Leipzig as it did in Wittenberg, I would still ride in, even if (E. C. F. G. forgive me for speaking foolishly) it rained for nine days on the vain Duke George, and each one would be nine times more angry than this one is. He considers my Lord Christ to be
4) Marginal gloss of the Wittenbergers: the 21st year, since he was secretly hidden in his patmo.
5) Duke Georg had worried the Elector with letters because of the Wittenberg innovations, and as a member of the imperial regiment, he had issued orders from this authority to the bishops that they should proceed with severity against the innovators. Seckendorf, List. I-utd, lib. I, p. 217 (1).
1992 Erl. 53, 107-I0S. Section 3: L.'s return to Wittenberg. No. 645. W. XV, 2381-2383. 1993
a man woven of straw; that my Lord, and I, can well suffer for a time.
I do not want to hide from C. F. G. that I have not once asked and meant for Duke George that God would enlighten him. I will also ask and cry once more, but never again. And please, E. C. F. G. also wanted to ask and let ask for help, if we could turn the judgment away from him, which (oh Lord God!) presses upon him without ceasing. I wanted to strangle Duke George quickly with one word, if it would be done with that.
10 This was written to E. C. F. G., in the opinion that E. C. F. G. knows that I come to Wittenberg in much higher protection than that of the Elector. I also have no intention of requesting protection from E. C. F. G.. Yes, I think I want to protect E. C. F. G. more than she could protect me. If I knew that E. C. F. G. could and would protect me, I would not come. No sword can advise or help in this matter; God alone must accomplish this, without all human care and help. Therefore, he who believes the most will protect the most. Because I now feel that C.F.G. is still weak in faith, I cannot regard C.F.G. as the man who could protect or save me.
11) Now that E. C. F. G. also desires to know what she should do in this matter, since she considers that she has done far too little, I answer humbly: E. C. F. G. has already done too much and should do nothing at all. For God does not want to and cannot suffer E. C. F. G. or my worries and doings. He wants to leave it to him, that and no other; then E. C. F. G. may comply with it. If E. C. F. G. believes this, then she will be safe and have peace; if she does not believe, then I do believe, and E. C. F. G. must be at peace. C. F.G.'s unbelief will have to suffer his anguish in sorrow, as is fitting for all unbelievers. 1)
Because I do not want to follow C.C.F.G., C.C.F.G. is excused before God if I am caught or killed. In the sight of men E. C. F. G. shall thus hold himself: viz.
1) Marginal gloss of the Wittenberg edition: Doctor Martinus says, which credible from his mouth more than one heard: he would have written his life long no great lord so hard, as just Duke Frederick Churfürsten, who kept it yet everything to him zugut etc.
The Emperor must be obedient to the sovereignty as a prince and allow His Imperial Majesty to rule in His Majesty. Maj. may rule in E. C. F. G. cities and lands, in body and goods, as is due according to the imperial order, and not to resist or oppose, nor to seek compensation or any obstacle to the power, if it saw me or wants to kill me. For no one shall break or resist the power but he alone who has established it; otherwise it is an outrage and against God.
I hope, however, that they will need reason to recognize E. C. F. G. as born in a higher cradle than that she herself should become cane master over me. If E. C. F. G. leaves the gates open and keeps the free electoral escort, if they themselves would come to fetch me or their envoys, then E. C. F. G. has done obedience enough. They can never demand anything higher from E. C. F. G. than that they want to know Luther at E. C. F. G.. And this shall be done without C.C.F.G.'s worries, doings and some driving. For Christ has not taught me to be a Christian with another's harm.
14 If they are ever so unreasonable as to order C.F.G. to lay a hand on me himself, I will then tell C.F.G. what to do: I will keep E. C. F. G. safe in body, goods and soul for the sake of my things, believe it or not.
15 I hereby command E. C. F. G. by the grace of God. Let us speak further at our earliest convenience, if it is necessary. For I have hurriedly finished this writing, so that E.C.F.G. will not be distressed by hearing of my future; for I should and must be comforting to everyone, and not harmful, if I want to be a true Christian. It is another man than Duke George with whom I am dealing, who knows me almost well, and I do not know him badly. If E. C. F. G. believed, she would see God's glory. But because she does not yet believe, she has not yet seen anything. To God be love and praise forever and ever, amen. Given at Borne at the Gleitsmann, 2) on Ash Wednesday [March 5] Anno 1522.
E. C. F. G.
menial servant
Martin Luther.
2) Michael from the streets.
646 Prince Frederick, who had received Luther's letter on March 6, sent instructions to Jerome Schurf on March 7 to negotiate with Luther, that he should write a letter to the Prince, indicate in it his reasons for having gone to Wittenberg again, and testify that this had happened without the Prince's knowledge, and also that he should write this letter in such a way that the Prince could communicate it to some of his lords and friends. Lochau, Friday after Ash Wednesday, March 7, 1522.
This writing is found in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 148; in the Jena edition (1585), vol. II, p. 72; in the Altenburg edition, vol. II, p. 93; in the Leipzig edition, vol. XVIII, p. 274; and in the Erlangen correspondence, vol. Ill, p. 297.
By the Grace of God Frederick, Duke of Saxony and Elector etc.
1) Our greetings beforehand, esteemed, dear faithful and councilor! We graciously inform you that next 1) we will receive a letter from Doctor Martinus, which, among other things, indicates that he is willing to return to Wittenberg. We send you this document herewith to hear its contents.
2 Because, for many moving reasons, we considered it good that D. Martinus had remained in office for a while. Martinus would have held off for a while, especially because the matter is now very difficult and in great diligence, and would be very embittered, from which many a burden, especially if one should learn that he is at Wittenberg, would arise for him and others; moreover, that there are many people who would like to have cause to complain to us, and that it may be careful for him to consider how.
Since the doctor will now, by our providence, be in Wittenberg, our request is that you speak and act with him on the letter of credence here, after notification of our gracious greeting, so that he sends a letter to us, in which he states the reasons and concerns for which he has returned to Wittenberg, and that this has happened without our permission. And that he would also offer himself to some extent, with notice that he does not want to be a burden to anyone. And that the writing would be shaped and made in such a way that we would send it to some of our lords and friends, so that they would receive encouragement.
1) "nachten" - last night.
We also inform you that we do not seek anything in this matter, except that sedition and other things may be prevented; therefore you will help to make things work for the best, and be concerned that we obtain a writing that we may show from ourselves. Do the same with him, that he would abstain from preaching in the monastery at the castle for a number of moving causes.
5) And you will send us Doctor Martinu's letter, which we are sending you herewith, together with the letter of credence, after reading it, and at the same time indicate by your letter that 2) you would decide with him, and otherwise keep this matter secret in your duties to us. In this you do us a favor. Date at Lochau, on Friday after Cinerum [Ash Wednesday, March 7], Anno 1522.
To the esteemed, our councilor and dear faithful, Hieronymum Schurff, Doctor, for his own hands.
647. D. Hieronymus Schurf's reply and report to the Elector, sent on March 9, of his happily organized ordered trial. Wittenberg, Sunday Invocavit [9 Mar] 1522.
This writing is found in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 149d; in the Jena edition (1585), vol. II, p. 74; in the Altenburg edition, vol. II, p. 93; in the Leipzig edition, vol. XVIII, p. 275; and in the Erlangen correspondence, vol. Ill, p. 299.
To the most illustrious, highborn prince and lord, Lord Frederick, Archmarshall of the Holy Roman Empire, Elector, Duke of Saxony, Landgrave of Thuringia and Margrave of Meissen, my most gracious lord.
Most Serene, Highborn Prince! My most willing, subservient, obligated services are E. C. F. G. before. Most gracious Lord! I humbly offer E. C. F. G. to know that I have most diligently presented and opened your order, given to me, to the worthy Mr. Martino Luther, at this time the true apostle and evangelist of Christ, our dear Lord and Savior, and of His divine Word.
2) that in the present further writing, he has given E. C. F. G., 3) conjugal, constant and urgent
2) The Erlanger Briefwechsel, which supposedly brings the text after the Wittenberg edition, reads: "das" instead of: "wes", which is found in our Wittenberg.
3) No.648.
1996 Erl. Briefw. Ill, 300-302. section 3. L.'s return to Wittenberg. No. 647. W. XV, 2388-2388. 1997
Christian causes, why he has gone to Wittenberg at this time, and that this has happened without any help from E. C. F. G.. As it is also the truth about himself that he found himself there without E. C. F. G.'s knowledge, help or approval 1) and I am comfortingly hopeful and confident that E. C. F. G. will graciously move his causes out of a high Christian understanding and will respect and hold them as urgent, to honor and praise the holy divine Word, also for the salvation, comfort and instruction of E. C. F. G.'s poor, erroneous and angry subjects.
For I, E. C. F. G., according to my obligation and as a poor, sinful Christian man, also do not know how to hide the fact that some have intruded upon us to preach, without any demand or appointment, but on their own initiative, and have finally, unfortunately, brought it about that many citizens and students neither know nor believe otherwise, because only he should be a true good Christian who does not confess, persecutes priests, eats eggs and meat on carnival day, tears down images etc. And, which is to be moved most of all, so they have urged with their preaching the people to indignation and taking of the reverend sacrament of the altar, which alone the afflicted and hung spirits and consciences, who feel and feel grievances because of their sins, will receive usefully, so that where before in the parish of Wittemberg five or ten masses would have been held awkwardly and against the application on one day, that now on one day often a hundred and many more have been held.
4 The devil knows how to masterfully introduce such mischievousness and malice under the appearance and guise of truth, and from this and other clumsy preaching almost the whole of Germany has not been a little annoyed and offended. God is to be complained that from Wittemberg, where the holy gospel, by the special grace of the Almighty, has again been brought to light, such annoyance, insult and scandal of the neighbor have arisen, without any need, against brotherly and Christian love.
5 Similarly, we were not a little offended among ourselves. For I, for my own part, while still cold and weak in faith, have been greatly annoyed and scandalized. And all this, in my small opinion, comes from the fact that
1) "Gehellen" - unanimity, agreement. The Erlanger Briefwechsel, which supposedly gives the text according to the Wittenberg edition, reads: "Gefallen"; but in our Wittenberg and in the Jena one finds the reading given by us.
I am concerned that they are carnal preachers and not enlightened with the Spirit of God.
(6) For this reason I, and the greatest number, easily receive what is carnal and pleasing to the body and flesh. For this reason it is not enough for a preacher to have the art and knowledge of the Scriptures, for the Scriptures alone give life and hope, but the Spirit of God must be present. Therefore the apostle says [2 Cor. 3:6], "The letter killeth, but the Spirit maketh alive." For the word of God is preached without all profit and fruit, unless it strikes and stirs the heart and will of man, and he is wholly or partly renewed and renovated in spirit and will. It is all the same to such a person whether he eats meat or not, if this is done without annoying and offending his neighbor. For to the pure all things are pure; as to the impure all things are impure [Titus 1:15]. But care must be taken, even in the daytime, as the Scriptures show that these men are few, as the daily fruits also sadly show.
For God's sake, I sincerely ask that E. C. F. G. not ungraciously accept my vexatious letter, for I am well aware that E. C. F. G. has a much higher and deeper understanding of all this and has brought it to mind than I, a poor, incomprehensible fellow. Thus I have not let E. C. F. G., enough to do to my conscience, know it undisclosed. For I hope that the almighty, benevolent God will grant D. Martino grace and mercy, so that from his sermons, through the effect of the Holy Spirit, such and such ailments, spiritualities and scandals will be stopped and partly torn out of the hearts of the people. However, invading preachers should no longer be allowed to preach in this way. For Christ so faithfully and fatherly warned us against all pseudo-prophets, which will be until the end of this world, and warned us to beware of them [Matth. 7, 15].
(8) For this reason, every Christian authority, where it notices and understands this, is obliged to proceed and avert it. For the Christian people, as Christians on this earth, abstinence and nourishment rests and stands only in the pure, clean, pure Word of God through the action of the Holy Spirit.
9. and have this my clumsy writing with my insoluble hand E. C. F. G. that I did not want to trust my substitute, and that I lived up to E. C. F. G.'s orders as the obedient one; and not
Therefore, I do not fear that it will come before the people, because I want to be known before D. Carlstadt and manly. And I hereby submit myself to E. C. F. G. as my most gracious Lord, to whom the Almighty God may grant and give true strength and constancy, against all challenge and persecution of His divine Word, to resist the devil and his followers. Amen. Date Wittemberg, Sunday Invocavit [March 9] Anno 1522.
E. C. F. G.
Hieronymus Schurpff, subject and obligated.
648 Luther's letter to the Elector Saxony, written after the Elector's request and enclosed with Schurf's report, in which he relates several reasons why he had turned from his Patmos back to Wittenberg without the Elector's knowledge, will, and consent. Wittenberg, Friday before Invocavit [March 7, 1522].
This letter is found in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 148d; in the Jena edition (1585), vol. II, p. 72b; in the Altenburg, vol. II, p. 95; in the Leipzig, vol. XVIII, p. 276; in the Erlanger, vol. 53, p. 109 and in De Wette, vol. II, p. 141,. Latin in Aurifaber, vol. II, p. 46, with omission of the postscript; likewise in the Latin Wittenberger (1551), tom. II, toi. 328 and in the Jena (1566), tom. II, lol. 515. Sämmtliche latin editions have the wrong date: Dis Vcncris^osF Invocavit instead of: Invocavit.
Jesus.
Favor and peace from God our Father, and our Lord Jesus Christ, amen; and my humble service.
Most Serene, Highborn Prince and Most Gracious Lord! I have almost considered that it would be a great inconvenience to E. C. F. G. if, without E. C. F. G.'s will and permission, I were to turn again to Wittemberg; 1) since it would seem to have the appearance of causing E. C. F. G. and all the country and its people a great hardship, but before that I myself, as one who has been banished and condemned by papal and imperial power, would have to wait all hours of death.
1) These words are changed in the "moderate letter" No. 652 to avert the appearance that the Elector knew about Luther's concealment.
But how shall I do to him? Cause urges, and God compels and calls. It must and will be so; so be it in the name of Jesus Christ, the Lord over life and death.
3 However, so that my causes do not go unheeded by C.F.G., I want to make some of them known to C.F.G. that I now feel. And first of all, I do not do this out of contempt for Imperial Majesty's authority, or for E. C. F. G., or for some higher authority. For although human authority is not always to be obeyed, namely when it does something against God's commandment, it is never to be despised, but to be honored. Christ does not justify Pilate's judgment, but he did not throw him or the emperor from his chair because of it, nor did he despise him.
4) The first cause is that I have been called in writing by the common church in Wittemberg, with great pleading and request. 2) Since no one can deny that through me the essence has begun, and I must confess myself a servant of such a church, to which God has sent me, it has not been possible to deny me in any way, because I would have denied Christian love faithfulness and work.
(5) Although there are many who consider this being a devilish thing, and condemn and condemn it, who undoubtedly consider this cause to be nothing, but rather think that Wittemberg and what has begun there should be left to sink, I am not excused by this, for God will not judge me according to others, be they much or little, faith or unbelief, but according to my conscience. For I know that my word and beginning is not of me, but of God; that no death nor persecution will teach me otherwise; methinks also that it must be left alone.
The other is that in Wittemberg, through my absence, Satan has fallen into my hurdles, and, as all the world is now crying out, and is also true, has brought about a number of things that I can no longer satisfy with any writing, but must act with my own person and living mouth and ears.
2) This passage is also changed so that it is not revealed that the Wittenbergers knew about Luther's whereabouts.
2000 Erl.53,110-112. section 3. L.'s return to Wittenberg. No. 648 f. W. XV,ssso-2393. 2001
Saving nor forgiveness have been deceptive in my conscience.
7 For this reason, not only E. C. F. G.'s grace and disgrace, but also the wrath and anger of all the world. It is ever my hurdle, commanded to me by God, they are my children in Christ; there has been no more disputation whether I should come or not. I am guilty of suffering death for them; I will do so gladly and joyfully, with God's grace, as Christ demands, John 10:12.
8) But if I had been able to help the matter with letters, as before, so that it would not have been necessary to call me, 1) why should I not also gladly grant to remain eternally from Wittemberg, since I am also to die for the sake of my neighbor.
The third is that I am afraid (and worry that I will be, alas, all too certain) 2) of a great outrage in German lands, so that God will punish the German nation. For we see that this gospel falls well with the common man, and they receive it carnally, see that it is true, and yet do not really want to use it.
(10) Those who are supposed to quell such indignation are helping to dim the light by force, but they do not see that by doing so they only provoke the hearts and force them to revolt, and they are acting as if they themselves or their children wanted to be destroyed, which God undoubtedly sends to plague them. For the spiritual tyranny is weakened, which is the only thing I sought with my letter. Now I see that God will continue to do as He did to Jerusalem and its two regiments. I recently learned that not only spiritual but also temporal power must give way to the Gospel, be it with love or suffering, as it is clearly shown in all the histories of the bibles.
11 Now God has demanded through Ezekiel that one should sit against Him as a wall for the people, which is why I also thought it would be necessary to discuss with my friends whether we would turn or raise God's judgment.
1) This is changed nm to hide that Luther was in written communication with the Wittenbergers.
2) These brackets, which are in the Latin editions, are set here by us.
12 Whether this matter would be in vain for me and ridiculous for my enemies if they heard it, I must nevertheless do what I see and know how to do. For E. C. F. G. should know this, and certainly rely on it, it is much different in heaven than decided at Nuremberg, 3) and will, unfortunately, see that those who now think they have eaten the Gospel, as they have not yet spoken the Benedicite.
(13) There are probably more causes that do not yet really penetrate me, therefore I do not penetrate them or think deeply about them; there is too much that the gospel is in need, therefore no man has been seen by me.
14 I hereby ask that E. C. F. G. will graciously grant me the benefit of my future in E. C. F. G. C. F. G. city, without E. C. F. G. knowledge and will. 4) For E. C. F. G. is only the Lord of goods and body, but Christ is also the Lord of souls, to which He sent me and awakened me; I do not have to leave them. I hope that my Lord Christ is powerful over our enemies and will be able to protect me from them if he wants to. But if he will not, then let his will be done; I know for certain that no harm or suffering shall come to me.
15. May God mercifully command him E. C. F. G.. Given at Wittemberg, on Friday ante Invocavit [March 7] 1522.
E. C. F. G.
servant, Martinus Luther.
649 Postscript to this letter, in which Luther offers to provide another form, but leaves it up to the Elector to provide another one himself.
Where E. C. F. G. does not like this form, I humbly request that E. C. F. G. himself should have a pleasing one prepared and sent to me, since I also have nothing to fear if the next letter to E. C. F. G. would arrive. I do not want anything
3) In the other letter: "for on earth decided" and the following to the end of the paragraph is omitted because of the harshness.
4) Here is inserted the promise that Luther did not want to offend or offend anyone.
Act henceforth, which I do not want to suffer and look at in the daytime. Although I did not fear the outrage, which I despised until now and thought about the priesthood alone. Now, however, I am afraid that it will take hold of the dominion and, like a plague of the land, envelop the priesthood as well. But this shall not come to pass before the persecution and destruction of the gospel, as it was before.
650 Prince Frederick's other rescript to Jerome Schurs of March 11, to the effect that there were a few things in Luther's letter that needed to be changed, especially the somewhat harsh expression of Nuremberg, and that he would like to persuade Luther to put it in the form that Spalatin enclosed.
This writing is found in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 150b; in the Jena edition (1585), vol. II, p. 75b; in the Altenburg edition, vol. II, p. 98; in the Leipzig edition, vol. XVIII, p. 280; and in the Erlangen correspondence, vol. Ill, p. 303.
By the Grace of God Frederick, Duke of Saxony and Elector etc.
1 Respected, dear faithful and councilor! We have received and read your letter, which you acted on our order with Doctor Martino Luther, to our gracious favor, also the writing, which the same Doctor Martinus gave us next to it; and it is no less, we have never liked to see that some have intruded themselves to preach and do otherwise. What we have at all times done and allowed to be done against this is known to you and others whom we have used for this purpose. Wherever we were followed, there would undoubtedly have remained many things that would now be a further development and a burden.
(2) We have also overlooked the writing that Doctor Martinus gave us, in which he apologizes for having gone to Wittenberg again without our knowledge, will and consent, and know of no particular change in it, except for the words in which Doctor Martinus writes: "There is much different in heaven than decided at Nuremberg" etc. We have had the same and several other words, which in our opinion are somewhat too sharp, moderated and changed, as you will learn from Magister Spalatin's handwriting.
We also send you Doctor Martinu's letter, which he has now written to us, herewith; and it is our gracious request that you speak to D. Martino about it, and inform him of this, and also move it for yourself. And we believe that if he were to write to us with a copy that has been touched, it would not be improper; we would then also have to report his writing to our lords and friends, with whom we are under suspicion. We do not seek anything else here, except that the writing be presented in such a way that it may be held up to our lords and friends.
4 For you know that we are completely innocent of these things, and that everything happened without our will and knowledge; if Doctor Martinus had wanted to follow us, he would not have turned to Wittenberg.
5. and otherwise keep these writings secret everywhere and not let them reach anyone, but send us all of them again, together with the instructions that we recently sent you, kept under your care. And what information and answer you will receive from Doctor Martino, you will let us know by your letter. And do us all a favor in this. Date Lochau, on Tuesday after Invocavit [March 11], Anno 1522.
(6) We also make known to thee that we seek nothing in this matter, but that sedition and other things may be prevented; wherefore, be diligent to help the matter for the best, and be concerned that we obtain a writing which we may show of ourselves.
651. Luther's letter to Spalatin that he did not like the change that had taken place, but he wanted to give way to the prince's weak faith; at the same time, he reported how Carlstadt was making it difficult to give in, but that Christ would force him to do so. March 13, 1522.
The original of this letter is in the anbaltiMn Gesammt-Archiv. Printed by Aurifaber, vol. II, p. 56d; by De Wette, vol. II, p. 150 (with the wrong date: March 12) and in Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol.Ill,p^8vs. According to the latter, which brings the original, we have translated.
Newly translated from the Latin.
To the servant of Christ, Mr. Georg Spalatin, his brother in the Lord.
Hail! That you are an evangelist rejoices me, dear Spalatin, and I pray that the Lord
2004 Erl. 63,114f. Sect. 3. L.'s return to Wittenberg. No. 651 f. W. XV. 2895-2397. 2005
make your word a word of power, so that your faith and that of those who hear you may be complete. But that you wonder why I have not written to you is proof of your weak faith, as if I were evil because I have kept silent. But what can be the point of Luther being evil, since you are already rich and reigning in Christ [1 Cor. 4:8], of which alone one must boast?
I am sending here the letter to the prince; 1) as in the same the prince has shown many signs of a despondent unbelief (this weakness of his must be borne), so above all this word has annoyed me that I am forced to call the emperor "my most gracious lord", since the whole world knows that he is extremely hostile to me, and all will laugh at this obvious falsehood. But I would rather be ridiculed and accused of falsehood than resist the prince's weakness; but I so appease my conscience against this falsehood that the usage and spelling entails calling the emperor thus, as it were, by a proper name and title, which is also done by those to whom he is exceedingly hostile. For I hate such deceptive pretense extraordinarily and have conceded him so much so far; at last once one must also speak freely (παρρησίαν praestare). Do not refrain from praying for me, and help me to tread this Satan underfoot, who has risen up against the Gospel in Wittenberg under the name of the Gospel; we are now fighting with an angel who is disguising himself as an angel of light [2 Cor. 11, 14]. The Carlstadt will find it difficult to depart from his mind, but Christ will force him if he does not depart of his own free will. For we are masters of life and death, who believe in the Lord of life and death. Another time more; now be well and be confident in the office which you have taken upon you. The day after Gregory 2) [March 13] 1522.
Your Martin Luther.
1) No. 652.
2) Walch has the wrong date: "Den 2. Georgii" [April 24] instead: Htsra OrsZorii.
652 Luther's previous letter to the Elector, moderated and amended by Spalatin at his command. March 12, 1522.
In the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 151; in the Jena edition (1585), vol. II, p. 76; in the Altenburg edition, vol. II, p. 96; in the Leipzig edition, vol. XVIII, p. 278; in the Erlangen edition, vol. 53, p. 114 and in De Wette, vol. II, p. 146. A diplomatically exact print of the original is found in Seidemann's "Lutherbriefe," p. 15. After this we give the text.
To the most illustrious and highborn Prince and Lord, Lord Frederick, Duke of Saxony, Archmarshall of the Roman Empire, Landgrave of Thuringia and Margrave of Meissen, my most gracious Lord and Patron, in S. C. G.'s own hands.
Jesus.
Favor and peace from God our Father and our Lord Jesus Christ, amen; and my humble service.
Most Serene, Highborn Prince, Most Gracious Lord! I humbly beg Your Electoral Grace to know that, by divine help, I have again turned here to Wittemberg, which is undoubtedly against and too much for E. C. G., who have never wanted to get involved in this matter, since it looks as if it might cause great harm to others, and especially to myself, as he who, banished and condemned by papal and imperial mandate, must await all hours of death.
But how shall I do to him? God compels and calls, and cause presses. It must and will be so; so be it in the name of Jesus Christ, the Lord over life and death.
3. so that E. C. G. does not take it for granted that I have so unintentionally, and without E. C. G.'s knowledge, will, and approval, inserted myself into E. C. G.'s work. C. G. University and the city of Wittemberg, out of human willpower and unnecessary arrogance, I want to inform E. C. G. of some of the causes that I now feel.
4. first and foremost, I hereby declare that I will not allow myself to be held in contempt of the roman emperor.
I have never been subject to the authority of my most gracious Majesty, my most gracious Lord, or of any other authority.
For although one should not always obey human authority, namely when it does something against God's commandment, one should never despise it, but honor it. Thus the Lord Christ did not justify nor praise Pilate's judgment, but nevertheless did not expel him or the emperor from the throne, nor did he despise them. Now these are the causes of my coming here to Wittemberg, in such my complaints.
6 First, that it is undeniable that the being has begun through me, and I must confess myself to be a servant of the congregation at Wittemberg, to which God has sent me, and for which reason I have not been able to withdraw from Wittemberg for a long time, because I wanted to be highly burdensome to others and to myself, to have failed in faithfulness and work of Christian love.
(7) Although there may be many people who consider this being a devilish thing, who condemn it, and who undoubtedly do not regard this cause as anything, but rather consider it reasonable to let Wittemberg and what has been started there sink, I am not excused by this. For God will not judge me according to others' faith, be it much or little, but according to my conscience. For I know that my word and beginning is not from me, but from God, which no death or persecution will teach me otherwise.
(8) Secondly, that in Wittemberg, through my absence, Satan has fallen into my hurdles, and, as all the world is now crying out, and is also true, has wreaked havoc on some pieces, which I cannot satisfy with any writing, but must act with my own person and living mouth and ears, no longer saving nor pardoning has been deceptive to me in my conscience.
9 For this reason, not only E. C. G.'s grace and disgrace, but also the wrath and anger of all the world has been put behind me. For Wittemberg is my hurdle, commanded to me by God, they are my children in Christ, there has been no more disputation, whether I am to them or not.
should come or should not come. I am obliged to suffer death for them; this I will also do gladly and cheerfully with God's grace, as Christ demands Joh. 10, 12. But if I had been able to help the cause with writings, why should I not have gladly given myself up to remain eternally outside of Wittemberg, since I should also die for the sake of my neighbor?
(10) Thirdly, I have been grievously afraid (and fear that I am all too sure of it) of a great outrage in German lands, so that God will punish the German nation. For we see that the gospel falls well with the common man, and they take it carnally; they see that it is true, and yet will not use it aright.
(11) Those who were supposed to quench such indignation, who saw to dim the light by force, do not see that by doing so they only provoke the hearts and force them to revolt, and act as if they themselves, or their children, wanted to be destroyed, which God undoubtedly sends to plague them.
(12) For the spiritual tyranny is weakened, to which I alone have aspired with my writing; now I see that God will continue to drive it, as He did Jerusalem and its two "regiments". For I have recently learned that not only spiritual, but also worldly power must give way to the Gospel, be it with love or suffering, as it is clearly shown in all the histories of the Bibles.
Now God has ever required through the prophet Ezekiel [Cap. 22, 30] that one should set oneself against Him as a wall for the people, which is why I have also thought to discuss it with my friends, whether we want to turn God's judgment or to forgive. Whether this matter will be in vain for me, and also ridiculous and mocking for my enemies when they hear it, I must nevertheless do what I see and know must be done. Because E. C. G. should know that and rely on the fact that it is decided in heaven much differently than on earth.
14 There are also more causes that do not yet really penetrate me; therefore I do not penetrate them or think deeply about them. It is
2008 Erl. Epistol. Ill, 306 f. Section 3: L.'s return to Wittenberg. No. 652 f. W. XV, 2399-24N2. 2009
too much in that the gospel is in need, because of which I should not have looked at, shunned, or feared anything on earth.
15 Therefore, my humble, submissive request to E. C. G. is that you graciously grant me and forgive me that I have come here to E. C. G. behind and without E. C. G.'s knowledge, will, favor and permission. C. G. city of Wittemberg, and graciously see and consider the above-mentioned high and moving causes, and that I intend to refrain here, with God's help, from any unjust burden or insult. For E.C.G. is only Lord of goods and body, but Christ is also Lord of souls, to which he has sent and awakened me; I must not leave them.
16 I also hope that my Lord Christ is mighty over all enemies and adversaries, and if he wills, he will protect me and handle me well. But if he will not, let his good will be done. I know for certain that no harm or suffering shall befall me.
17. may god mercifully command him E. C. G.. Date at Wittemberg, middle week after Invocavit [March 12] Anno dni 1522.
E. C. G.
servant Martinus Luther.
658. D. Hieron. Schürf, March 15, 1522, reports to the Elector, at the time of the transmission of Luther's changed form, how Luther's return and sermons are causing immense joy in Wittenberg, and how the people are already beginning to recognize the truth again.
This writing is found in the Wittenberg edition <1569), vol. IX, p. 152; in the Jena edition (1585), vol. II, p. 77 b; in the Altenburg edition, vol. II, p. 98; in the Leipzig edition, vol. XVIII, p. 281; and in the Erlangen correspondence, vol. Ill, p. 306.
To the most illustrious, highborn prince and lord, Lord Frederick, Archmarshall of the Holy Roman Empire, Elector, Duke of Saxony, Landgrave of Thuringia, and Margrave of Meissen, my most gracious lord.
Most Serene, Highborn Prince, my most willing, subservient, obligated services are E. C. F. G. before. Most gracious Lord! I have obediently presented the copy provided to E. C. F. G. to Doctori Martino, who then accepted it with all humility, and according to which I have humbly written to E. C. F. G., as I hereby humbly send to E. C. F. G..
2 And please E. C. F. G. humbly "to know that great joy and rejoicing, among the learned and the unlearned, will arise among us from D. Martini's future and sermons. Martini's future and sermons, for he thereby, by means of divine help, daily points us poor deceived and angry people back to the path of truth with irrefutable evidence of our error, in which we have been miserably led by the intruding preachers: so that it is obvious and evident that the Spirit of God is in him and works through him. And I have no doubt that by the special providence of the Almighty he came to Wittenberg at this time. Gabriel 1) also confessed that he had erred and done too much.
D. Capito has also been with us for two nights, and has listened to two sermons by Doctor Martino, 2) in which he has shown how grossly the reverend sacrament of the altar and its use has been erred against, and he is highly pleased about it, as he told me himself. And therefore, since without any doubt this work that has been started comes and flows from God, he will also represent it and send it in such a way that it will remain undisturbed, neither by the devil nor his followers, where it is commanded and sent home to God in true confidence and trust, in right humility and fear.
4 It shall also, if God wills what E. C. F. G. commands and orders me, remain with me in secrecy until the pit. Carlstadt is not well satisfied, but he will neither accomplish nor create anything, I hope to God. And I hereby command myself to E. C. F. G. in all submissiveness, which the Almighty God in true constant faith keep until the end of this miserable life, amen. Date Wittenberg, Saturday after Invocavit [March 15] Anno 1522.
E.C.F.G.
Hieronymus Schurpff, subject and obligated.
1) Gabriel Gemini.
2) The fourth and fifth sermons on March 12 and 13, 1522, St. Louis edition, vol. XX, 28 ff.
654: Prince Frederick of Saxony's letter to Duke John of Luther's return to Wittenberg, together with an enclosed copy of Luther's letter of apology, with a request that a copy of it also be sent to von Planitz in Nuremberg, so that he may
she could show at the Reichstag
[March 16, 1522].
From Cyprian's "Nützliche Urkunden," Vol. II, p. 261. This letter was presumably written at the same time as the next one; according to it, our time determination.
And after E. L. knows that Doctor Martinus is back in Wittenberg, therefore E. L. and we want to give him a lot of trouble; but with which we are excused, that he is here on our will and permission, so he has written to us, from what causes he has come here. We hereby send copies of this letter to your lordship, because we believe that it will also have been sufficient in Nürenberg that Doctor Martinus is back in Wittenberg. For this reason we ask E. L. to send copies of Doctor Martinus' letter to Hanssen von der Plawnitz, so that he can show them to E. L. and to my family and apologize. Gladly at the service of E. L. Dat. ut supr.
Zettl Hertzog Johanns.
655 Instruction enclosed by the Elector to Planitz concerning Luther's letter of apology. March 16, 1522.
From Cyprian's "Useful Documents," vol. II, p.262.
Dear Council. Since you also know that Doctor Martinus is back in Wittenberg, in which we may have a lot of trouble, but with which we are excused, that he is here at our will; So he has written to us, for what reasons he has given himself, as our brother will send you a copy of it, the same copy you may well let see for your own benefit and excuse, so that we may not be charged in this, in which case it has fallen to us. Dat. ut supr.
At Werthen on Sunday Reminiscere [March 16, 1522].
To Hanßs von der Plawnitz.
6. how Luther, immediately after his arrival in Wittenberg, seriously opposed the innovations of Zwilling and Carlstadt and other estates.
The eight sermons delivered by Luther after his return to Wittenberg against D. Carlstadt's innovations. March 9-16, 1522.
These sermons are found in the St. Louis edition, vol. XX, 5 ff. Here also belongs the short Summarium of the first five sermons, in this volume No.641.
657 Luther's paper "Von beider Gestalt des Sacraments zu nehmen und anderer Neuerung. Mid-April 1522.
This writing is found in the St. Louis edition, vol. XX, 62.
D. How Luther announces his reart to good friends, as well as his opinion, what he thinks of Carlstadt's actions, and how he enrages him very much by his contradiction; also that he is in great danger as someone who is still under the rule of the Reich.
658 Luther's letter to Nicolaus Hausmann, addressed soon after his arrival in Wittenberg, in which he encourages him to stand firm because of the new prophets, informs him of the evil that has broken out there, and shows how he dares to control it only by means of the Word; but he should also follow his example in it. Wittenberg, March 17, 1522.
The original of this letter is in the Anhaltisches GesammtArchiv. Printed by Aurifaber, vol. II, p. 49; by Schütze, vol.II, p.39 with the wrong year 1521; in DeWette, Vol. II, p. 151 and in the Erlanger Briefwechsel, Vol. Ill, p. 311. A translation of this letter from 8 2 on, with the wrong address: "To Spalatin" and the wrong date: "Freitags nach Estomihi 1522", has made the rounds of all previous editions as a special letter; namely in the Wittenberg (1569), vol. IX, p. 146; in the Jena (1585), vol. II, p. 71 b; in the Altenburg, vol.II, p.92; in the Leipziger, vol.XVIII, p.273; in Walch, vol.XXI, 14 and in the Erlanger, vol.53, p. 112.
2012 Erl.Briefw.m,311 ff. Section 3: L.'s return to Wittenberg. No. 658 f. W. XV, 2404-240S. 2013
This error can be explained, as far as the wrong address is concerned, by the fact that the German translation was found among Spalatin's papers; the wrong date perhaps by the fact that one read March 7 instead of March 17. We have translated according to the Erlangen correspondence.
Newly translated from the Latin.
To the faithful evangelist of the church at Zwickau, Mr. Nicolaus Hausmann, his extremely dear brother in Christ at Zwickau.
Hail! Although I, my dear friend Nicolaus in Christ, am busy in many ways in such great turmoil, I still could not avoid writing to you, especially since the opportunity is pressing and this friend, your scholar, 1) requested it. But I hope that you are firm in the faith and grow daily in the knowledge of Christ. Your prophets, who have come from you, are up to strange things and are pregnant with them, which are not pleasing to me; if the same should be born, they will do no small harm. This spirit of theirs is very deceitful and apparent, but the Lord be with us, amen.
(2) Satan has done much evil here in my hurdles in such a way that it was difficult to oppose him without anger on both sides. But you see to it that you do not allow anything new to be started by a vile decree or with impetuosity; only with the word that must be fought, with the word that must be thrown down, with the word that must be destroyed which our people have undertaken with violence and impetuosity. This is how Satan has driven them. I reject the fact that the masses are held for sacrifices and good works, but I do not want to put my hand to it or to stop those who do not want to or the unbelievers by force. I reprove only with the word: he who believes, let him believe and follow; he who does not believe, let him not believe and let him go. For no one must be forced to believe and to do that which is of faith, but must be drawn by the word, so that the willing believer may come of his own free will.
1) In the original: litsrator - one who instructs others in a language. Aurifaber offers: Udsrator.
I reject the images, but with the word, not that they should be burned, but so that trust should not be placed in them, as has happened so far, and still happens. They would fall of their own accord if the people were instructed and knew that they were nothing before God. Thus I reject the Pabst's laws of confession, of taking the sacraments, of prayer, of fasting, but with the word that I may free the consciences from them. When they have been freed, they can finally use them for the sake of other weak people who are still entangled in them, or not use them where there are strong people, so that love may reign in these outward works and laws.
But now no one is more annoying to me than this rabble of ours, who abandon the Word, faith and love, and boast only that they are Christians because they can eat meat, eggs and milk in front of the weak, use both forms, do not fast, do not pray.
4. teach in this way, dear one, you also want to walk. With the word, of course, everything must be punished, but the hearts, like the herds of Jacob, must be "maltreated. "2) [Gen. 33:14] so that they first take the word of their own free will, and finally, when they have become strong, do everything. But this is perhaps superfluous for you, but concerned love exhorts me to this service. Be well in Christ and support the gospel with your prayers. Wittenberg, Monday after Reminiscere [March 17] 1522.
Your Martin Luther.
659 Luther's letter to Gerbel, a lawyer from Strasbourg, of March 18, 1522, in which he reports to him that he had had to plunge into the emperor's and the pope's fury by returning to Wittenberg because of the destruction that had taken place in his sheepfold, and that he was now
2) The Erlangen correspondence reads: insuvandu and notes: "This word, which is difficult to read in the original, has been rendered by the manuscripts in many different ways: minaiida, iueitanda (in the Zwickau manuscript XVII, IX, I, in the margin: vsl suvundu vsi mutundu), duetzudu, miinisuda, juvanda, mutauda.
He lived in the midst of his enemies, to whom power was given to strangle him every hour, but he surrendered to the will of God.
This letter is found in Latin in Aurifaber, vol. II, p. 51 b; in De Wette, vol. II, p. 153 and in Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol. Ill, p. 313. German in Frick's German Seckendorf, p. 471 and subsequently in Walch.
Newly translated from the Latin.
To Nicolaus Gerbel, Doctor of Laws at Strasbourg.
Hail! I believe, dearest Gerbel, that the letter has reached you, which I previously sent to you from the desert 1) through Philip. Now, although you have not written anything back to me, I have not wanted to let this Aristobulus 2) of yours return to you without at least a short letter, which would greet you in Christ and address you in my name and ask that you command me your Lord. Satan is raging, and the neighbors are raging on all sides, I don't know with how many deaths and shells. Now, in fact, even my court has truly confused things to the point of despair. I have therefore been forced to throw myself alive into the midst of the raging of the emperor and the pope, whether I could possibly drive the wolf out of the hurdle. Therefore, I am now surrounded by no protection but that of heaven, but live in the midst of enemies to whom men have given the right to kill me at any hour. I take comfort in knowing that Christ is the Lord of all things, to whom the Father has put all things under his feet, including, without doubt, the wrath of Caesar and all devils who are not among the sheep the Father has put under the Son. So, if he wants me to be killed, let it be done in his name; if he does not want it, who will kill me? Only take care with your own that you support the gospel with prayers; for I see that Satan is dealing with it, so that not only the gospel is eradicated, but also the whole of Germany is flooded with his own blood. Woe, what abominations he is bent on! and if I am not mistaken, they are all too certain to be-
1) This is letter No. 71 in the appendix of this volume.
2) Seidemann in De Wette, Vol. VI, p. 643 assumes that a Strasbourg city councilor is meant by it.
because there are no people who make themselves a wall against God for the house of Israel [Ezek. 22:30, 13:5], then because we have the gospel of the kingdom in words alone, but not in power, because of our hard ingratitude, and are more puffed up by knowledge than edified by love; therefore we will be given, I fear, what we deserve. Pray therefore, let yours also pray, let us all pray. The matter is a serious one, and Satan seeks us with incredible cunning and with the highest powers. Here I must rest my pen, because of the many affairs. Be well with your spouse and greet all of us. Wittenberg, Tuesday after Reminiscere [March 18] 1522.
Your Martin Luther.
Luther's report sent to Wenceslaus Link on March 19, 1522, that he was staying in Wittenberg again because of the unrest caused by Carlstadt and Zwilling.
See Appendix, No. 107, § 1.
Luther apologized to Joh. Lang that he could not come to Erfurt; it was not necessary to tempt God, nor to run after danger, he had enough danger to wear out in Wittenberg, since he, who was under papal and imperial ban, could be beaten to death by anyone, and he had no protection but from heaven.
See Appendix, No. 101.
Luther wrote to D. Joh. Hess his opinion about the riots and innovations that had taken place. March 25, 1522.
This letter is found in Aurifaber, Vol. II, p. 57; in De Wette, Vol. II, p. 159 and in Erlanger Briefwechsel, Vol. Ill, p. 318 (with the wrong date: March 15). German in Frick's Seckendorf p. 476 (not p. 47, as the Erl. Briefw. states) and subsequently in Walch.
Newly translated from the Latin.
Martin Luther wishes his Heß
Hail! I will write more at another time, dearest Heß, now that I am overwhelmed with work and a lot of things, I am forced to be shorter. I am glad that you have become an evangelist; the
2016 Erl. Briefw. m, 319.3S6. Section 3: L.'s return to Wittenberg. No. 662 f. W. XV, 24VS-24II. 2017
Increase and strengthen your ministry, O Lord, that you may be complete in faith, and those who hear you, amen.
I am at Wittenberg to quell these disturbances where possible, even though the pope and the emperor have condemned me and I alone live under the protection of heaven. I praise the zeal of your prince 1) for the Gospel, but see that you inflame his heart more to faith and love than to the outward use of the Sacrament. For I see that even ours hasten to take both forms, although in the meantime they regard faith and love as nothing. Certainly, both forms do not make a Christian, but it is the custom and the work of a Christian. But faith and love make a Christian, even without both forms; but those think that they are Christians when they follow this custom. The pope is to be condemned, who by giving a law has abolished the one form against the gospel, but we are not to be praised either, if we leave love and faith standing, however much we may have taken possession of both forms according to the gospel. But this is more fully explained in the booklet I am publishing on this matter. Meanwhile, farewell in eternity, dearest Hess. Wittenberg, on the day of the Annunciation of Mary [March 25] 1522. Yours, Martin Luther.
663 Luther's report to Caspar GÜttel, prior of the Augustinian monastery at Eisleben, of March 30, 1522, to the effect that he had offended Carlstadt by overruling his orders, indicating what Carlstadt's errors were.
This letter is found in Aurifaber, Vol. II, p. 56; in De Wette, Vol. II, p. 177 and in Erlanger Briefwechsel, Vol. Ill, p. 326. German in Frick's Seckendorf, p. 476 and in Walch twice, namely here and in the appendix of this volume, No. 108.
Newly translated from the Latin.
1) Duke Carl von Münsterberg, whose court preacher was Hess. Cf. Oorp. kok. I, 566. The place where Hess stayed at that time was Oels in Silesia, not Breslau. (Erl. Briefw. Ill, 319.)
2) "To Take of Both Forms of the Sacrament," St. Louis Edition, Vol. XX, 62.
Hail! I am writing, dearest father, so that the messenger could bear witness that he has come here, otherwise I would have had no reason to write, especially since I have a lot to do with letters, strange stories and people's speeches. I hope that the venerable father Vicarius will also come to you, otherwise I would write to him at length. I have offended Carlstadt because I have cancelled his orders, although I have not condemned the doctrine. Only I am displeased that he has spent his effort on ceremonies and external things alone and meanwhile neglects the true Christian doctrine, that is, faith and love. For by his inconsistent way of teaching, he had led the people to think that they would become Christians by these trivial things, if they communicated under both forms, if they touched the sacrament, if they did not confess, if they broke images. Behold the wickedness of Satan, how he has undertaken to incite to the destruction of the Gospel by a new appearance! For hitherto I had sought this, that the consciences should be freed from these things contrary to the Gospel (contrarüo faciebus), and the thing itself should fall away by itself through common consent. But he wished to quickly become a new master, and to establish his orders among the people with suppression of my reputation. Not so, you wicked, not so, but GOtte alone the honor! But more about that at another time. But, dear one, we want the father vicarius to be deposed in a short time, 4) because we do not want this one to rule over us, who wants to teach the gospel, not our articles! Fare well and pray for the cause of God. On Sunday Lätare [March 30] 1522.
Martin Luther.
3) Wenceslaus Link, not Staupitz, as Aurifaber and after him Walch assumed, because the latter had long since resigned from office.
4) This is what De Wette understands: "The Augustinians of Wittenberg wanted their Vicarius [Link] deposed because he accepted the Gospel." But the words are to be understood ironically; the artionli nostri are the teachings of the troublemakers.
Section Four of Chapter Eight.
Of Gabriel Zwilling's conversion and improvement, as well as of the hope for Carlstadt's improvement, which was soon overturned.
A. Von Zwillings Umkehr, Desterung und Schicksalen, und wie sich Luther bei dem Churfürsten treuen, obwohl fruchtlos, angenommen hat.
Luther's judgment of Gabriel Zwilling's change and improvement in a letter to Spalatin.
See Appendix, No. 88, § 1.
Luther's letter of recommendation for Gabriel Zwilling to the mayor and council of the city of Altenburg for a preacher's position. Wittenberg, April 17, 1522.
This letter is found in the Altenburg edition, vol. II, p. 255; in the Leipzig edition, vol. XXII, p. 547; in De Wette, vol. II, p. 183 and in the Erlangen edition, vol. 53, p. 131. It is subsequently printed again from the original in the "Mittheilungen des Osterl", VI, 43, and the more important variants of it are noted in the Erlangen correspondence, vol. Ill, p. 341, which we have made use of.
To the honorable and wise, mayor and council of the city of Altenburg, my especially favorable gentlemen and friends.
God's grace and peace before, and my willing services. Honorable, wise, dear sirs! I have gladly received your writings, which were sent to me for the sake of a preacher, and I have heard with joy your Christian eagerness for the divine word. Therefore, I am willing, as well as obliged, to serve and advise you in this as much as I can. There is one called Gabriel, now at Düben, who is almost famous for his understanding and preaching, and is now well practiced; I would advise him and wish that you would accept him. However, it is a small shame that he has left the order and is now dressed as a secular priest; it is also necessary and good that he has come out, so that one could enjoy him for the salvation of many souls. Where this monster does not
I would not know how to improve it for you this time. And I have written to him about it, so that he will join you, that you will examine and try him yourselves. If you do not like him, there are two other secular priests here, also skilled men; if E. Wisdom will tell me again, I will see to it that I help you to one of them 1). Wherever it would be convenient or suffer, it should have no lack at all, according to your desire, to appear with you. However, if you have Gabriel, you may not have mine. Hereby commanded by the grace of God, who may make you all rich in faith and love through His holy Word, Amen. Given at Wittenberg, on Green Thursday [April 17] Anno 1522.
D. Martinus Luther.
666 Luther's letter to Zwilling, telling him to accept the Altenburg profession. April 17, 1522.
This letter is found in Latin in Aurifaber, vol. II, p. 73 d; in De Wette, vol. II, p. 184 and in Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol. Ill, p. 342.
Newly translated from the Latin.
Grace and mercy and peace from God our Father and the Lord Jesus Christ, amen. The council of Altenburg desires from me an evangelical preacher; if they should come to you, you will go with them, and if they accept you, you will consider it the very certain voice of God calling you. For I, too, have applied and commended you to them. Therefore I pray that you will receive this counsel and action of mine in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, who calls you through me and Philip, and go in peace, and the Lord make you increase in many thousands. Take heed therefore above all things, that thou be humble and honorable in priestly service.
1) In the original: "the one".
2020 Erl. Briefw. Ill. 342, Sect. 4: Von Zwilling u. Carlstadt. No. 666 f. W. XV, 2413-2415. 2021
You will not do this if you do not work only with the word as you have heard from me and read in my last booklet. 1) You will not do this if you do not work only with the word as you have heard from me and read in my last booklet. 2) You will not do this if you do not work only with the word as you have heard from me and read in my last booklet. You will not do this if you do not work with the words alone, as you have heard from me and will read in my last booklet 2). The Father wants people to be drawn to Him through Christ, not to be compelled or led by our statutes or ordinances. The contempt of ungodliness must first be implanted in the hearts, then ungodliness will fall of its own accord, without hand; and the love of godliness must first be implanted, then godliness will come of its own accord, and it will happen that the kingdom of God will suffer violence, and those who do violence will snatch it to themselves. May the Lord give you understanding and spirit, that you may be a worthy servant of Christ His Son, and bless His word in your mouth, amen. Grace be with you, amen. Wittenberg, Green Thursday [April 17] 1522.
Brother Martin Luther.
Luther's letter of intercession to the Elector Frederick of Saxony to allow Zwilling to preach in the Altenburg congregation and the council's request there, even though the lords of the order were opposed to it, since he had improved and promised not to get into any more mischief. May 8, 1522.
This letter is found in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 152b; in the Jena edition (1585), vol. II, p. 94; in the Altenburg edition, vol. II, p. 253; in the Leipzig edition, vol. XXII, p. 545; in the Erlangen edition, vol. 53, p. 134 and in De Wette, vol. II, p. 192. The original is in the Weimarsche Gesammt-Archiv, from which the Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol. Ill, p. 356 has recorded the more important variants.
1) About Zwilling's appearance during the events in Eilenburg, New Year's Day 1522, an eyewitness reports (Seidemann, "Erläuterungen", p. 37): "After the Gospel, the Wittenberg monk who had gone out began to preach, and the monk wore a long black skirt and a shirt with black braids and a black beret with two lapels, and had a ruff, no crown, but cut over the comb alone, and looks like the devil" etc.
2) "Von beiderlei Gestalt des Sacraments zu nehmen," St. Louis edition, vol. XX, 77, § 41 ff.
To the most illustrious and highborn Prince and Lord, Lord Frederick, Duke of Saxony, Elector etc., Landgrave of Thuringia and Margrave of Meissen, my most gracious Lord and Patron.
1. grace and peace from God, and my subservient services etc. Most Serene, Highborn Prince, Most Gracious Lord! I humbly inform E. C. F. G. how the council of Altenburg has requested and asked me to appoint a good preacher. In response, I have proposed to them, not from myself, but from my dear lords and friends here in Wittenberg, in the matter of the most reasonable, Magister Gabriel, who is famous and respected before them as the best in understanding and preaching.
2) Now I notice from his letter and several other statements that he is almost pleasant to the people, but only gains an offence from the fact that the rulers on the mountain, as spiritual rulers over them, do not want to suffer him anywhere. To this I have given my advice that these rulers have no power to resist, but God Himself has given all authority and power where they act against the Gospel, 2 Cor. 10:8 and 13:10: Non est potestas a Deo data ad destructionem, sed ad aedificationem. Item, Act. 5, 29: Oportet Deo magis obedire, quam hominibus.
For this reason, the council of Altenburg and also E. C. F. G. are obligated to prevent false preachers, or to help or suffer that a proper preacher is hired there. No seal, letters, custom, or any right can help against this, unless they are forced to do otherwise by force. For against God no seal, law, custom, or authority will hold.
4. have sufficiently shown them that they have the power and right to recognize and judge true and false doctrine, Matth. 7, 15: Attendite a falsis Prophetis, so that the right, power, interest and authority of the lords of the rule is everywhere gone, because they are publicly against the Gospel, and the council of Altenburg should not refrain from its actions, unless they are driven away by tyranny and worldly power, which they should suffer, but still not approve nor give justice.
3) "Die Regelerherren" find die regulirten Augustiner.
5th About this I hear, E. C. F. G. complain that Gabriel had been reprimanded by me before and that I did not like his thing. That is true; but he turned around as soon as, confessed and corrected himself so thoroughly against me/ and chastised himself before everyone that I did not know to reject him, but because he has special grace to preach, to accept his repentance and correction. Would God that the other heads would remember a piece of his conversion.
6. Also, I have laid it on him very hard before all of us, and have shown that he does not start or initiate any innovation, but that he only promotes faith and love, and that he also attacks with words what is against it; so that he brings the gospel morally to the people first, and then lets God rule and act; which he has promised me not only now in this letter, but also before, very earnestly and faithfully, that I hope, as much as there is to rely on men, it should not be necessary for that reason.
7 But that he was a monk, E. C. knows. C. F. G. well knows that [it] is not annoying because with the blind and erring leaders, which annoyance is to be despised, so that God's word is not withdrawn from the poor souls.
8 Therefore, my humble request to the C.F.G. is that the C.F.G. help the poor people with their Christian opinion, right and nobility, or not hinder them at all, and let them prevail; who knows what God wants to do through this.
9 For E. C. F. G. cannot in good conscience protect the right and authority of the Lords of the Order in such a matter, namely to defend preachers of the Gospel, but is also obliged for itself, as a Christian member, to advise and help, also as a Christian prince, as far as it may be, to meet the wolves.
God, through His mercy, wanted to look at, save and keep C.F.G., amen. Such my letter E. C. F. G. did not want to receive from me to disgrace. Given at Wittenberg, on the Thursday after John xort. I^at. [May 8] 1522.
E. C. F. G.
menial servant
Martinus Luther.
668 Luther's other letter to the mayor and council of Altenburg, in which he testifies to his joy that Zwilling pleases them, and lives in hope that the Elector will allow the request made on his behalf to take place. May 8, 1522.
This letter is found in the Altenburg edition, vol. II, p. 255; in the Leipzig edition, vol. XXII, p. 547; in De Wette, vol. II, p. 191 and in the Erlangen edition, vol. 53, p. 133. According to the original, it is reprinted in the Mittheilungen des Osterl., VI, 53, whose variants are noted in the Erlangen correspondence.
To the honorable and wise, mayor and council of the city of Altenburg, my especially dear gentlemen and friends.
Grace and peace from God our Father, Amen. Honorable, wise, dear lords and friends! I am glad to hear that Magister Gabriel pleases you, but the fact that you are still reluctant is not a bad sign. What comes from God must have oppositions, so that it may be tried. Therefore, stop and do not give up; ask God to help you. For the devil must be resisted with prayer, and not with our choice and ability. I have written to my most gracious Lord as you desire; I hope it will succeed. But we must wait for what God will give and accept His will. Often our sins have earned what is detrimental and obstructive to us. And as I told you, the rulers of the rules no longer have any authority if they are contrary to the Gospel, but are to be shunned and abandoned as wolves. And it behooves every man to judge their doctrine, and to know the wolves. For each one must believe for himself, and know what is right or wrong faith. I stand up, and you stand up. And God grant you His grace and strength to know and to do His will, Amen. Given at Wittenberg, on the Thursday 1) after Misericordias Domini [May 8] Anno 1522.
Martinus Luther.
1) In all prints the date is: "Tuesday after Misericordias Domini" f6. May], which cannot be correct, because the letter of the Altenburger to Luther, to which this is the answer, carries the same date. We have half assumed the Conjectur of the "Erlanger Briefwechsel" that "Tuesday" was read from Thursday.
2024 Erl. Epistol. Ill, 387 f. Section 4: Von Zwilling u. Carlstadt. No. 669 ff. W. XV, 2417-2419. 2025
669 Luther's sending to Spalatin of the petition of the Altenburgers that Gabriel Zwilling be left to them, together with his own enclosed plea that the Elector not take him away from there and expel him; whereby he reports that he had expressly ordered Zwilling in writing that he should not leave Altenburg until the Elector would send another.
See Appendix, No. 109,? 2.
Luther's exhortation to Gabriel Zwilling that he should not boast about what he would suffer and do for the Word of God, but rather walk in the fear of God and despair of his ability, let Christ do everything alone, and incidentally turn his congregation away from external things and ceremonies through the Word, and lead them primarily to faith and love. May 8, 1522.
This letter is found in Aurifaber, vol. II, p. 62; in De Wette, vol. II, p. 194 and in Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol. Ill, p. 357.
Newly translated from the Latin.
To Gabriel Zwilling, evangelist of the church at Altenburg.
Grace and peace in Christ! I wrote to the prince about this matter, but your letter did not please me at all, because I sensed I don't know what spiritual presumption in it. Do not boast that you will do and suffer many things for the word. Whoever stands there, see to it that he does not fall [1 Cor. 10:12]. You have not yet struggled with death; that is not so easily done as said. Let the example of the Prior of Antwerp 1) and many others frighten you,
1) Jakob Probst, Luther's student, had become a master's student at Wittenberg in 1509 and had attained the degree of licentiate there on July 12, 1521. He then returned to Antwerp, where he was summoned to Brussels on December 5 by Inquisitor Franz van der Hulst, imprisoned and put on trial. After much reluctance, he recanted before Aleander in Brussels on February 9. He was then sent to the Augustinian monastery in Ypres, where he began to preach the Gospel again; taken to Brussels again, where he faced a certain martyrdom, he managed to escape to Germany with the help of a friar, where he first found refuge with Luther (Erl. Briefw. Ill, 329).
Which daily fall, and few stand. Therefore walk in fear and contempt of thyself, and pray the Lord that He may do all that is thine, and that thou mayest do nothing, but be a Sabbath to Christ. By the way, as I have exhorted thee to abstain from new doings, but by the word alone to make consciences free, acting and urging pure faith and love: so I beseech and exhort thee still, that thou do so. For I promised the prince that you would do so as much as I could promise; therefore see to it that you do not disgrace me and yourself, and at the same time the gospel, if you do otherwise. You see that the great heap falls on external things, on the sacraments, on ceremonies. This must be countered, and only care must be taken that the people are held back, and first brought to the point that faith and love gain a form in them, so that they prove by the fruits that they are branches on our vine. I trust 2) in the Lord that you will do so. In him, be well and greet the pharmacist and his wife, to whom I have not had time to write, for I am overwhelmed with letters from all sides. Thursday after Misericordias Domini [May 8] 1522.
Your Martin Luther.
671 Luther's letter to Zwilling, in which he admonishes him to wait calmly to see whether he will keep the office or not. May 27, 1522.
This letter is found in Aurifaber, vol. II, p. 656; in De Wette, vol. II, p. 199 and in Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol. Ill, p. 373.
Newly translated from the Latin.
Grace and peace in Christ! Put on faith, dear Gabriel, and do not look at this thing with closed senses, whence it comes or whither it goes, as befits him who is born of the Spirit.
2) Aurifaber: eonüäo; De Wette and the Erlanger: oonkläk. We have followed the former reading.
3) The evangelically minded Sebaldus Nebe, with whom Zwilling found accommodation, since there was a lack of a parish apartment (Erl. Briefw.).
The Lord will order them, meanwhile you preach and stay until you are ordered to go out with Abraham, and you do not know where to go, and ask the Lord for this matter and everything else. For thou hast done enough, if thou hast been willing to leave the city and the ministry at the command of the superiors; but go not away until another be procured by the prince, or by me. For I have taken upon myself the obligation and the work of procuring another. If then the prince should precede me, let the will of the Lord be done. 1) Let the priests of Baal boast, for this must be done; for otherwise how could this be their end, that they should be put to shame? Be thou ever fugitive and iniquitous in their eyes: who knoweth whether the Lord will not strengthen thee, and let thee not wander, though they all will not? Greet and comfort the apothecary and his wife and all the others. Then excuse me for not having written, for the time and the amount of business do not suffer it. And now be well, be confident and be strong in the Lord and act manly in complete faith. Wittenberg. 1522, on Tuesday after Urban [May 27].
Your Martin Luther.
672 Luther's answer to Gabriel Zwilling when he reported to him that he had had to leave Altenburg and that the Elector had put someone else in his place.
See Appendix, No. 110.
673 Luther's testimony of his displeasure against Spalatin that Zwilling had been expelled, along with his avoidance of how he had had very good praise from the Altenburgers.
See Appendix, No. 92, § 1.
B. As Luther sought to appease the enraged Carlstadt in kindness and to bring him out of better thoughts, this also turned out quite well.
1) I'iat voluntas do. These are exactly the words of the third petition in the Lord's Prayer. The Erlangen correspondence has in one note the conjecture: sua, which does not seem to us to be appropriate.
and seemed to have renewed his friendship with Luther, so Luther carried him again with great patience.
Luther's report to Spalatin, how he had asked Carlstadt on Easter Monday to stop writing against him, otherwise he would have to oppose him against his will, which he did not want to do because of the papists. Carlstadt was very presumptuous in saying that he would not consider a pen against him, while the Rector already had some printed sheets in his hands, who was working together with the Senate to have Carlstadt take back the book.
See Appendix, No. 111, § 2.
Luther's report to Spalatin that he had written to Carlstadt about a meeting and settlement with him.
This letter of Dec. 29, 1524, which Walch provides with a wrong date and erroneous content, belongs to the next section, sub 6.
Luther's report to WenceslausLink, April 8, 1523, that he and others were traveling to Link's wedding, but Carlstadt was not at home.
See Appendix, No. 113.
C. How Carlstadt broke with Luther again at the beginning of 1624, had writings printed against him and escaped to Orlamünde, cunningly drove out the priest there, took his office and income, and in addition sought to justify himself to the Elector by very impudent and presumptuous writings.
Luther's account of the changes and incidents with Carlstadt, together with his thoughts about them.
This story is found in Luther's writing "against the heavenly prophets" in the first part under the heading: "Auf die Klage D. Carlstadts, dass er aus dem Lande zu Sachsen vertrieben ist", St. Louis edition, Vol. XX, 157 ff.
2028 Erl. "4, 385 f. Section 4: Zwilling and Carlstadt. No. 678 ff. W. XV. 2422-2424. 2029
678 Luther's report to Spalatin that Carlstadt, in his own way, has not yet ceased to make trouble, but intends to have eighteen tracts printed against him at Jena, and has already made a start on some of them.
See Appendix, No. 115.
679 Luther's thoughts to Spalatin about Carlstadt's departure from Wittenberg, along with a heartfelt wish that God would not give him away in a wrong way, and an exhortation to Spalatin to pray for him as well; Luther, however, is concerned that he will not cease to hurry toward his downfall.
See Appendix, No. 116, Z1.
D. How Luther had to travel to Jena by princely order and warn the people there against the heretics, which offended Carlstadt and started a disputation with Luther.
680 The so-called Acta Jenensia or Martin Reinhard's, preacher at Jena, report of the action between D. Luther and D. Carlstadt, which took place at Jena on August 22, 1524; printed at the end of September.
This writing appeared at the time we indicated (because Luther already gave his verdict on it on October 3, 1524; see No. 681) under the title: "Weß sich D. Andreas Bodenstein von Carlstadt with D. Martino Luther in Jena, and how they decided to write against each other. Item, The action of Doctor Martini Luther with the council and community of the city of Orlamünd, on the day Bartholomei Daselbst geschehen. Anno etc. xxiiij." Without place and printer. 3 quarto sheets. The author of this writing is the Carlstadt-minded Martin Reinhard, preacher at Jena, therefore it is also, as Luther states in the next number, a mixture of lies and truth, and reads entirely in favor of Carlstadt, in order to undermine Luther's good name. In the collections, our writing is found: in the Wittenberg (1569), vol. IX, p. 209b; in the Jena (1585), vol. II, p.446b; in the Altenburg, vol. II, p. 797; in the Leipzig, vol. XIX, p. 148 and in the Erlangen, vol. 64, p. 385. In the following number, Luther indicates why he does not want to answer this writing.
Anno Domini 1524 after the Nativity of Christ, on Monday, the eighth day after Our Lady.
Ascension, which is the 22nd day of August, the highly learned etc. Martinus Luther, Doctor of the Holy Scriptures etc., after he had come by princely command of the noble, highborn princes and lords, the dukes of Saxony etc., on the Sunday before after noon to preach at Jena, there and elsewhere, the above-mentioned D. Martinus began to preach on the above-mentioned day early at seven o'clock, and preached until an hour and a half about and against the doctrine and fruits of the spirits. Among other things, he called the spirit of Altstadt, told some fruits, as riots and murder, so before also by the same spirit, as its high fruits one, in Zwickau quite sublime.
He said that the works and fruits of this spirit were to tear down churches, images, wood and stones, and in sum, to take away baptism and the sacrament of the altar, to eradicate them and not to make them at all, as this all-city spirit now and then subjected itself to many more, from the same inspiration of a devilish spirit; in sum, that all these fruits were worked by a devilish spirit. But let not the elect be dismayed at this," Luther comforted them in the sermon, saying, "There are not many of them, though there are many of them; more must come to them, and there must be sects, that the elect may be proved, and the ungodly put to shame [I Cor. 11:18, 19]. But we, he said, have judged them before, as the Sermons 1) further indicate, and by the grace of God we can still judge them well, that it is not a good spirit who subjects himself to such things, but is the devil himself.
These and similar words of the sermon, when Doctor Carlstadt heard them (for he himself was in the sermon), he took to heart, was struck by several things, as indicated below, wrote a letter to Doctor Luther, which some read in the above-mentioned inn "zum schwarzen Bären" over the midday meal; requested, where Doctor Luther was not opposed, he would like to talk to him. Doctor Luther gave Doctor Carlstadt's envoy a verbal answer: if Doctor Carlstadt wanted to come to him, he would like to suffer it; if not, he would like to leave it alone.
After that Doctor Carlstadt sent again to Doctor Luthern: if it is convenient for him, he wants to come. Luther answered: In the name of God, he comes when he wants, so I am ready. When Doctor Carlstadt was informed of this, he came and
1) Thus, the " act Sermons Wider Carlstadt's
Innovations" must be meant. St. Louis edition, vol. XX, 5 ff.
Doctor Gerhard Westerburg with him. There were also many foreign imperial and margravial messengers, as well as many Jenische in the hostel, who listened to such conversation and were very pleased, some of the small-minded were frightened, but many were very surprised. But Carlstadt had a servant announce to Doctor Martin that he was there and wanted to talk to him. Doctor Martinus answered: "Let him come in and talk to me freely and publicly; this is what happened, and the conversation follows, as it is written here:
So Carlstadt went into the parlor, sat down on a sidel 1) against him and the other companions at the table, began to talk in this way:
Carlstadt. Dear Doctor, and all of you dear brothers, I ask you not to take it unkindly that I am overflowing you here; my innocence and great need urge me to do so. For you, Doctor, have touched me somewhat highly in your sermon today, and interwoven me with the rebellious, murderous spirits, as you call them, in one number and work. To this I say no. Even though you interpret such speech to the same spirits, from the living voice of God, which I have never heard from them in my days. I do not say that I want to defend their matter here, and so I say: Whoever wants to add me to such murderous spirits and bring me in, that he promises me such things without truth, and not as an honest man.
But that I am meant by you, and that I may take up the matter, is the reason that you have spoken of the sacrament, and have somewhat exalted me, I say: that I truly know that no man has written and taught about it in the way, opinion and reason, as I have, according to the apostles, I also freely confess to this. But that it is the murderous spirit, and the same, as you said today, one and the spirit of Allstädt, I say no to; because he has nothing in common with me in my speech of the sacrament.
To this Doctor Martin Luther answered thus: "Dear Doctor, I will start at the last and at the end, since you have left it, and say: That you can never prove it nor make it true that I have called you; but since you assume that you are touched or hit, then you are hit in the name of God. You also sent me a pointed letter; you should not have done so, for I have nothing to do with you. I am surprised at what you show yourselves. Well, I see
1) So in the Jenaer; Wittenberger: "Sydel"; it will probably mean "armchair".
gladly that I have met you, and do not see it gladly. I like to see it, because I only know that you are one of them, as you suppose, of whom I preached; but I do not like to see it, because I am sorry that people should be deceived in this way. Today I preached against the spirits, and now I will do it again. If I have deceived you, I have deceived you.
Carlstadt. Doctor, I also want to start at the back. I accept what you said about the sacrament and will prove with writings that you have preached the gospel wrongly. In addition, I say that you do me violence and injustice by bringing me into the murderous spirit. And that I have not to do with the spirit in the riot, I protest publicly before these brethren all with one another.
Luther. Dear Doctor, it must not be so, I have read the letter which you have written from Orlamünd Thomä, 2) and have well heard inside that the rebellion is against and against you.
Carlstadt. Why did you say, Doctor, that it was just one spirit, the murderous spirit in Allstädt, and the spirit that breaks the images and touches the sacrament?
Luther. I have not named anyone, I have not named you in particular with a word.
Carlstadt. But I accept it because of circumstances, because I have attacked the Sacrament alone in the present abuse, and have nothing in common with the spirit at Allstädt in the matter of the Sacrament; and you preach that it is a murderous and seditious spirit. But what I have written to you, I may also and will well speak to you. There was a little silence.
Carlstadt said, "If I had erred, and you had wanted to do a Christian work when you wanted to be a Christian, you should have instructed me as a brother before you stabbed me publicly. You preach and cry, Love, love; what kind of love is it when you give a partisan to one, and see a brother err, and do not instruct him?
Luther. If I have not preached the gospel correctly, I do not know it.
Carlstadt. Yes, I will prove with the sacrament how you have preached Christ, whether you have preached Christ crucified or otherwise a self-imagined Christ. Yes, you have preached against yourselves, as it can be read from your books.
2) This will be the letter that Carlstadt addressed to Thomas Münzer from Orlamünde on July 19, 1524. It is found in Seidemann's "Thomas Münzer," p. 128 f., Supplement No. 21.
Luther. Dear Doctor, if you know this, write it freely and come out bravely, so that it may come to light.
Carlstadt. I will also do this; it must also come to day, I do not shy away from the light, as you blame me; I offer myself for public disputation in Wittenberg or Erfurt, or to hear and accept a Christian instruction, where and when you want, as far as you provide me 1) a free escort, as you have it.
Luther. Are you afraid, do you not have escort to Wittenberg?
Carlstadt. Yes, I have been there for the very first time; but in a public disputation you will not spare me; so I will certainly not spare you either. So I know how you have attached the people to you.
Luther.' My dear doctor, no one is doing anything to you, just come out freely.
Carlstadt. I also want to come out into the light, and wkll either be publicly disgraced, or God's truth must be revealed.
Luther. It will happen to you, your foolishness must come out.
Carlstadt. I will gladly bear the shame, that God may keep His glory.
Luther. It will also meet you; and I am surprised that you only dread writing, and no one is afraid.
Carlstadt. I am not afraid either, I know that my teaching is right and from God.
Luther. Since your teaching was right and of God, why did your spirit not break through when you broke the images at Wittenberg?
Carlstadt. I did not do it alone, but the three councilors, and some of your companions, decided it; then they pulled their heads out of the noose and left me standing alone.
Luther. That's where I come in.
Carlstadt. And me too.
Luther. I do not advise you to refer to those at Wittenberg; you do not have it so good with them as you mean.
Carlstadt. You do not have it so good as you think; but I take comfort in the truth, on the last day the Lord's day will reveal all secret things, then it will be seen how everyone, what you and I have done, and nothing will be hidden under the cover.
Luther. You always insist on the day of the Lord, but I desire mercy.
1) Thus the Wittenberg and Jena editions. Erlanger: "so fern schafft mir".
Carlstadt. Why not? He will never do anyone wrong, nor will he look at the person; the small will count as much as the great; I will be judged in this matter according to mercy and justice. But when you reproach me with my spirit, and say that it should have gone away, you come to measure honestly. You bound my hands and feet, and then you beat me.
Luther. Where did I hit you?
Carlstadt. Were you not bound and beaten, since you alone wrote, printed and preached against me, and caused my books to be taken from the printing press, and I was forbidden to write and preach? If I had been allowed to write and preach as freely as you, indeed, you should have experienced what my spirit would have done.
Luther. Why do you want to preach? Wouldn't you be called, or who told you to preach?
Carlstadt. If we want to speak of man's calling, then I know well that it is due to me on account of the archidiaconate; 2) but if we want to speak of God's calling, then I also know well something about it.
Luther. Who told you to preach in the parish?
Carlstadt. If I had erred there, you should have punished me brotherly for it beforehand, and not have stabbed and struck at me in this way. But is it not one people who listen in the monastery and in the parish?
Luther. You stabbed me before I stabbed you.
Carlstadt. I did not do that.
Luther. This is what your booklets show, since you put on my own words.
Carlstadt. Which booklets? I have one about the vocation, but I wrote it the other day, which may be too close for some. When did you instruct me then? show me a piece in which you have punished me all your life! You have never told me in my life where I have been guilty or have erred; you have done everything by force. And if you would not have done it between you and me alone, you should have taken one or two to yourselves.
Luther. I have done that.
Carlstadt. If you have done it, God grant that I may be publicly disgraced here in front of all of you.
Luther. It will happen to you.
Carlstadt. But I know that [it] is not true. Luther. I have done it.
the Wittenberg and the Jena given by "gebürete".
Carlstadt. Who has been there?
Luther. Philip and Pomeranus.
Carlstadt. Where?
Luther. In your little room.
Carlstadt. That is not true; you may well have been with me, but you never took it upon yourselves to punish me or to give me the articles of the Jrrsal.
Luther. We brought you the notes from the university, in which the articles we had missed were listed.
Carlstadt. Doctor, there you speak your violence; it has never come to me nor been shown to me; I also remember that the articles of supposed error had not yet moved out of the university.
Luther. Well, dear Doctor, if I tell you a lot, I will have to lie to you.
Carlstadt. If it is true, God grant that the devils tear me apart before all of you; ei, you have never offered them to me.
Luther. I brought it to your house myself.
Carlstadt. Doctor, as if I had Doctor Jerome's writing in which he reproaches me that such erroneous articles would have been given to me if I had followed it; how will you stand there? After all, the university had not yet gathered the time to withdraw such articles.
During this, Doctor Luther was silent for a while, and in the silence, Doctor Carlstadt turned to the others sitting near him and said: "Dear brothers, I beg you, do not take offense at my harsh speech, it is because of my complexion that I speak so harshly, and because of this my heart is not bad or angry. Luther sang again and said: "Dear doctor, I know you well.
Carlstadt. I know you well, too, and I know what you mean.
Luther. I know well that you all ride high, throb great, and want to be exalted and seen alone.
Carlstadt. Where I would do this, you should instruct me; but I can see who boasts the most and seeks the most honor.
Luther. I punished you at Leipzig because you were so arrogant and wanted to argue before me. Well, I granted you the honor and let it happen.
Carlstadt. Ah, Doctor, how can you say that? Do you know, since I have already disputed, that you are still uncertain whether you will be admitted or not? I refer to the Duke George's Councilors and to the University of Leipzig. But you must always speak in such a way that you can
and arouse hatred in other people. What else have you done today in your preaching, as you have always done, but to arouse envy and hatred among the people at the first entrance against those against whom you intended to preach?
Luther. I say as before: I have preached against the spirits today, and now I will do it again; in spite of him who tries to prevent me.
Carlstadt. Well, dear Doctor, preach and do it well; other people will do their part, too.
Luther. If you have something, write it out freely.
Carlstadt. I will also do it fearlessly.
Luther. Nevertheless, you stand with the new prophets.
Carlstadt. Where they are right and 'true; where they are wrong, let the devil help.
Luther. Write against me publicly and not secretly.
Carlstadt. If I knew that you were in such need of 1) it, it may be granted to you.
Luther. So it does.
Carlstadt. Go ahead.
Luther. Do it, I will give you a guilder for it.
Carlstadt. A guilder?
Luther. If I don't do it, I'm a prankster.
Carlstadt. If you give it to me, I will truly accept it.
Then Doctor Luther reached into his pocket, and pulled out a gold florin, and gave it to Carlstadt, and said: Take it, and attack me only bravely; fresh on me! Carlstadt took the guilder, showed it to all the assessors, and said: "Dear brothers, this is Arrabo, a sign that I have the power to write against Doctor Luther, and I ask you all to confess it to me and be witnesses.
Luther. It darfs not.
And Carlstadt bent it, and put it into his bag, and gave Doctor Luther his hand on it, and Doctor Luther drank a drink to it, and Carlstadt told him so; and then he said: Doctor, I beg you, you will not prevent me from printing, nor will you otherwise persecute me or hinder my nourishment; for I intend to feed myself with the plow; what the plow will give, you shall well understand.
Luther. How would it behoove me to hinder you, if I desired it, that you should resist?
1) In the Wittenberg and in the Jena: gach----Me"
2036 Erl. Briefw.v, 32, Sect. 4, Von Zwilling u. Carlstadt. No. 680 ff. W. LV. 2431-2433. 2037
I will give you the florin so that you will not spare me. And the braver you attack me, the better you shall be to me.
The princely preacher 1) also said to Carlstadt: "The doctor shall not damage your food, nor harm you. Then Carlstadt said to Doctor Luther: "Well then, if I am missing you, it is my pity. And so they shook hands with each other. And Carlstadt went home, and Martinus preached, and after that went to Kahla.
Also present were Doctor Gerhard Westerburg of Cologne, Martinus Reinhard, preacher at Jena, Wolfgang Stein, preacher in the castle at Weimar, who also rode with Doctor Martino Luther, the prior at Wittenberg, Andreas Brennig, 2) mayor at Jena, the town clerk and many others, who also spoke about the matter with many good suggestions, so that the matter would come to light, as God would also arrange it by His grace. These speeches were omitted shortly, and thus the summa of both doctors' speeches is concluded herein. The Christian reader prays to God that He would teach us with the revelation of His truth, amen.
681 Luther's letter to Spalatin, in which he judges these Acta to be unfaithfully written, and lies and truth to be mixed together in them. October 3, 1524.
preceded by the Jena edition.
Newly translated from the Latin.
To his extremely dear [friend] in the Lord, Magister Georg Spalatin, the servant of Christ.
Grace and peace! The booklet of my actions at Jena and Orlamünde pleases me very much in that I see that people who are not honest and have an evil conscience fear for themselves, and by this have wanted to get ahead and anticipate the honor and damage my good name, which the kind of that spirit tends to do. But because this will happen, that Carlstadt must come forth [with writings], and
1) Wolfgang Stein, court preacher at Weimar.
2) Wittenberg and Jena: Breunig.
682 Luther's letter to Amsdorf, with the same content as the previous one, in which he reports that Carlstadt had addressed a letter to Orlamünde, with a strange signature, and that the preacher Reinhard had received orders to leave Jena.
See Appendix, No. 117.
E. How Luther matured from Jena also to Kahla and Orlamünde, and what repulsions he encountered in both places.
683 Letter from the council and congregation of Orlamünde to Luther, in which they complain that he considers them heretics and false spirits and publicly declares them to be so in his pulpit at Wittenberg; therefore, they blame him for not being a true member of Christ himself and demand that he come to them so that they can give him an account of their faith. Aug. 16, 1524.
This letter is found in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 214; in the Jena edition (1585), vol. II, p. 450b; in the Altenburg edition, vol. II, p. 801; in the Leipzig edition, vol. XIX, p. 153; and in the Erlangen edition, vol. 64, p. 398.
To the Christian teacher Martino Luther, our brother in Christ.
1. divine peace through Christ our Lord before. Dear Brother! Our pastor and pastoral caretaker, Andreas Carlstadt, having now been in Wittenberg, has sent us this message.
The author of this book has given us to know, as he experienced and heard there, as if you should shout us out unashamedly on your preaching chair for heretics, erroneous and enthusiastic spirits, when you have not examined our spirits, not investigated them, nor spoken to us about them. And if you would deny this, you are to be referred to your own writings, which we ourselves and well read, when you wrote against the erroneous spirits to the sovereigns of Saxony; since you then despise all those, who by divine command kill dumb idols and pagan images, against which you mock up a powerless, worldly and unstable probation from your own brain, and not founded scripture.
(2) But that you so publicly reproach and blaspheme us, implanted as members of Christ by the Father, unheard and unremitted, shows that you are not a member of this true Christ and Son of God Himself, because you are using impudent words of reproach, and not Christian and brotherly punishment, as laid upon you by Christ, Luke 17:3, against us. If you have now become so unthinking and hot-tempered, we will write to you out of Christian and brotherly love, asking you not to defile and promise God his own, acquired through his only Son Christ, so poorly.
(3) Now thou mightest say, Behold, good Christians, they cannot suffer to be a little offended, which Christ hath done, and hath endured much more. We know this well, dear brother. But do you also know that Christ punished the scribes and supposedly pious Jews most severely and always, and cried woe on them, and prayed to his Father for the unreasonable crucifiers? etc.
(4) Hereby we offer to confess and give an account of our faith and faithful works by divine power, help and assistance before you and everyone, even where nothing but the form of death appears.
5 We also ask you, after we have held you in such high suspicion, to appear before us in the most beneficial way, if it is convenient for you, to discuss with us, and where we are mistaken (God forbid), to instruct us amicably, and not with words of scorn, and to reprimand us with a ban on land. From this divine unity and Christian community may be established and built up to the special praise of God, ask your brotherly answer. Date Orlamünd, Tuesday after Assumptionis [August 16] Anno 1524.
Council and community of Orlamünd.
684: Luther's action with the council and congregation of the city of Orlamünde concerning Carlstadt, August 24, 1524.
This writing is found in the editions given in the previous number immediately before letter No. 683. It belongs to the so-called Acta Jenensia (above
No. 680), and the same applies to it as to that one. Luther says (No. 688, §14) of the same: "They have decorated themselves very finely in the booklet of it.
1. on the mounting of the eighth day of the Assumption [August 22], in the year of the birth of Christ 1524, the princely preacher at Weimar in the castle, Mr. Wolfgang Stein, sent to Orlamünde to the council, and gave them written notice, after they waited for the future Doctor Martinus Luther, that he would be available and to get.
Thus the town clerk of Orlamünd quickly went to Jena. When he found Doctor Martinum, he 1) gave him a letter from the council and the community in Orlamünd, and asked for a favorable answer; which he gave him later in Kahla, in this form: "Messenger, tell your masters in Orlamünd that I want to be with them myself in a short time, and give an oral answer. Therefore, the council and the community hoped that Doctor Martinus would come the next day before St. Bartholomew's Day, and they provided the inn with food and drink as best they could; but he did not come, and returned to the new town. On St. Bartholomew's Day, at one hour of the clock, Doctor Martinus arrived, and the people were in the field waiting for the harvest. Martinus[2] before him to ask for the mayor, who found the mayor and said: After the council and the whole community sought Martin Luther in Jena with a letter, and delivered him there from their side, therefore Doctor Martinus Luther has now come, and the council and the community are to demand him, because he would have to talk to them because of the same letter.
The mayor immediately sent his councilors and the community to search for and demand some of them from the field. Immediately, some of the council went to meet him, as many of them as were present, received him in a friendly and brotherly manner, inclined themselves toward him, and spoke these words:
4. honorable, erudite, favorable doctor, welcome to all of us god. WhAt He
1) Erlanger: and gave.
2) "D. Martinus" is missing in the Erlanger.
I don't really know if he answered, but he kept his red-pointed banner on his head and did not honor her again. Then the mayor wanted to talk further with Doctor Martins; Martinus answered and said: he should soon be up again, but we want to talk to each other in the house. And when he came to the Schoesser's house, the mayor gave him back his former title, thanked him on behalf of the council and the whole community for his efforts, and came to them at their request, asking them for God's sake to preach a sermon.
(5) But Doctor Martinus answered that he had not come to preach, but that he had their letter, and that he would speak of it with the council and the congregation. In the meantime they drank with him for a while; in the meantime the people gathered, and in this the council, and as many of you as were with each other, stood up, talked, and went to him again, and asked the second time for God's sake that he would preach God's word to them, because he considered them suspicious in some articles, which he should give them on the day, and where they strayed, instruct them in Christianity; which they gladly and humbly accepted, and let themselves be instructed.
6 They also wanted to open their minds and their minds. Doctor Martinus shook his head and said: he did not want to do it, he would not have come to them for that reason; but he took the letter of the city of Orlamünde in his hand and asked: whether the city council acknowledged the seal? the city council and the community said yes. Doctor Martinus said: "I consider you to be simple-minded people, and I do not believe that you should have made this letter; I do not want to blame you for the letter, but consider it good; but I am concerned that Carlstadt made the letter and acted under the city's seal.
The city council and the community answered that Carlstadt had not made a letter of this letter, nor had they done anything with their city seal, nor were they able to do anything with it; they wanted to preserve this for life and limb, and for this reason they were too short; for they know how to make other and better provisions than that only men should handle and have to do with their seal. So Doctor Martinus read the council's letter at Orlamünde from beginning to end.
After such reading, Doctor Martinus spoke about each article in particular;
1) This is the letter reported in No. 683, which in the Wittenberg, Jena and Erlangen editions is only inserted here between § 7 and § 8.
and especially when he read: "Our pastor and pastoral caretaker, Andreas Carlstadt," etc., he said: "You call him your pastor, but my lord, Duke Frederick, and the University of Wittenberg know nothing about it, nor will they confess it to him. To this a treasurer of the council answered: If Carlstadt is not our pastor, then Paul has taught falsely, and your books must also be false; for we have chosen him, as our writing, done to the above-mentioned university, proves and holds. And so it remained with this article.
9. conveyor he read thus in the letter: "by divine command, kill dumb idols and pagan images" etc. And wanting to speak of it, Andreas Carlstadt just came to measure, and some on Doctor Martinus' side beckoned him to sit down; but Carlstadt went to Doctor Martinus and said: Dear Doctor, if you can stand it, I receive you. Then Martinus said, "No, I can't stand it. Then said Carlstadt: It is the same so much. And turning from Martins, Martinus said, You are my enemy, and I have given you a florin on it. Said Carlstadt: I will remain your enemy, and of all those who are against God, as long as you are against truth and God. Answered Doctor Martinus Luther: "Doctor, you want to go out, I do not want you in this matter. Said Carlstadt: But this is a public audience; if you act rightly, you must not shy away from me. Said Doctor Martinus: You are suspicious of me and my enemy. Said Carlstadt: Even if I were suspicious, I am not your judge; but your enemy would like to stand and listen to you.
10th Thereupon the princely preacher of Weimar, Mr. Wolfgang Stein, started and spoke to Carlstadt: Doctor, you have obtained your farewell in Jena, therefore you may well go out. Carlstadt answered: "You are not my prince, that you have to command me; but if he has a princely command, he would like to present it. But since Carlstadt wanted to listen and see, and not go out, Martinus said to his servant, "Tighten up, tighten up! I have nothing to do with Carlstadt; if he does not want to go out, then I will go; and he got up. But so that the discussion that had begun would not be prevented, Carlstadt escaped and went away.
When Carlstadt now escaped, D. Luther took out the council's letter again, apologized, said that he had never thought of the Orlamündischen in the pulpit or in his letter; they had
to send more to Wittemberg, than that they would be thought of. Thereupon the town clerk says to Martin Luther: "You have written, which can be proven from your own writings, that you have also conscripted us Orlamündians with the enthusiasts and floating spirits and meant, as if we should also, as happened in Allstädt, act and act in such a way, because we have also removed the images, and freely confess this. To this Martin Luther replied: "I have spoken in general, and there are still more cities that have done so; if I have hit you, what can I do about it? On the other hand Obgemeldter said: "But you have met us with falsehood, that you compare us to the spirits of the dark ones.
12 After this Martin Luther said further: You have written me an enemy letter; you do not give me my title, which some princes and lords, who are my enemies, give me, and do not break it off; therefore I accept your letter as an enemy letter. On the top of the letter you call me a Christian teacher, and inside you condemn me. The mayor said: "We have written to you as brothers, and have secretly spoken between you and us, and have not condemned you. Says Martinus: Brotherly? I cannot understand that in this letter of yours, for I consider it an enemy letter. Said one of the congregation: For what cause is it an enemy letter? Martin Luther said, "If I did not know that you are fanatics, I know it now; for you are all burning before my eyes as a fire; surely you will not eat me up? And immediately he began and said:
(13) Where do you prove in the Scriptures that images are to be removed? Said one of the council: "Doctor, kind brother, you allow me to say that Moses is an interpreter of the ten commandments? Said Martinus, "Yes." He continued, "Thus it is written in the ten words: Thou shalt not have strange gods; and immediately in the interpretation of Moses follows: Thou shalt put away all images, and have none. Said Martinus: Yes, this is what is said about idolatrous images; these are idolatrous ones that are worshipped. What harm is a crucifix on the wall that I do not worship? Said a cobbler: I have often taken off my hat before a picture on the wall or on the way, that is idolatry and dishonor to God, and great harm to poor people, therefore one should not have pictures.
14, Martinus said, "Then you must also kill the women and spill the wine because of the abuse. Answered another from
of the community: No, these are creatures of God, created for our help and abstinence and need, which he has not commanded us to kill; but the images that men's hands have made, these are commanded to be destroyed. But Doctor Martinus held fast to the word "idolatrous images," and the cobbler said again, "Yes, I would let you have it, if all images were not forbidden in Moses. Martin Luther said, "It is not written in the Scriptures. Said the cobbler, Let it be what thou wilt, it is written therein: and they joined their hands together, and wagered. Said the cobbler, What is this that God saith, I will have my bride naked, and will not let her put on her shirt? Then Martinus sank down, stroked his hand over his face, considered himself, and said, "Listen, this means to remove images; how strange German is this!
15 Another one spoke: Yes, it is true, and so much has been said, that God wants the soul of all creatures to be naked, that is, bare and unclothed, and as soon as I lust after a permitted creature, the soul is deformed; how much more is the soul covered and entangled when it ventilates itself with forbidden images. One of them brought the Book of Moses, and Martino was read the text, which reads [Deut. 4, 15-19.]: "Take heed therefore unto your souls: for ye saw no likeness of the day that the Lord spake unto you out of the fire of Horeb; Lest ye corrupt yourselves, and make unto yourselves any graven image, like unto a man, or like unto a woman, or like unto cattle upon the earth, or like unto fowls of the air, or like unto creeping things upon the earth, or like unto fishes of the waters under the earth; lest thou lift up thine eyes unto heaven, and behold the sun, and the moon, and the stars, all the host of heaven, and be cast out, and worship them, and serve them, whom the Lord thy God hath appointed unto all people under the whole heaven."
16 From this it follows publicly that not only idolatrous images, but all images are forbidden; indeed, that Christians should neither make nor have any images. To this Martinus said: it is written: you shall not worship any; therefore God would have meant the idolatrous ones. Then one of the community said: It is not written "idolatrous", but, you shall not make or have any. Worship is a special evil, which God also specially forbids. Said Martinus: read on; and he read: Thou shalt not lift up thine eyes unto heaven, to worship the star, the sun, and the moon. Doctor Martinus asked and said, "Why do you not remove them? Then answered
2044 Erl. "4,403 f. Sect. 4. of Zwilling and Carlstadt. No. 684 ff. W. XV. 2441-2443. 2045
the cobbler: Stars from heaven are not made by our hands, therefore God does not give the stars in our power to remove; neither has God commanded us to remove them as images; therefore we should not do it.
17 Then Martinus spoke, saying again about idolatrous images. Said the mayor: "Hear, dear sirs, hear! There was a great silence. Then he continued: "Dear sirs, listen: We keep strictly to the word of God, for it is written: You shall neither add to it nor take from it. Then the prince preacher said: "Dear old man, be silent. Said Martin again: You have condemned me. Answered the cobbler: If you ever want to be damned, I hold you and every one damned, as long as he speaks or reads against God and God's truth. Said Martinus: The children would have told me this in the street. And with that he arose and hastened to the chariot.
(18) When the chamberlain saw this, he said, "My dear doctor, tell us about the articles of the sacrament and of baptism. Then Martin Luther turned back and said: I have written enough of them, read my books. He answered again, "I have read them in part, but I am not satisfied enough in my conscience. Martin Luther answered: "If you have something wrong with it, write against me. Next to him was the prior of Wittenberg, who said to the chamberlain, "What harm do the images do? Answered the chamberlain: Much. The prior: You should know and understand a lot about it. The chamberlain: I have forgotten more than you have learned; let them sit down, and I will tell you about the harm of the images. But they all hurried to the chariot, and so departed.
May God's truth help us to salvation and comfort, amen. I do not care about this division at all, because I want to keep to God's truth and not pay attention to what man says.
685 Mathesius' account from Luther's mouth of how Luther traveled to Kahla, preached a sermon there, and what special things he encountered during this sermon.
This story is found in "Luthers Leben" by Joh. Mathesius, St. Louis edition, p. 67. Walch has Luthern travel from Orlamünde to Kahla, while it is the other way around. The sermon at Kahla will be held on August 23, 1524.
I heard from the doctor himself that he was supposed to preach a sermon in Kahla at that time; as everything was ordered, these spirits broke a crucifix and strewed it on the preaching chair; When Doctor Luther finds this, he is moved at first, but he stands up and pushes the pieces into one place, and preaches a doctrinal sermon and faithful warning that one should keep faith and a good conscience in all submission, and does not remember with a word the sacrilegious will of courage that they had shown him. For one can also do to the devil with contempt at the appropriate time the burned suffering.
F. How Carlstadt finally had to vacate the land by order of the Elector and Duke John, against which the intercession of Orlamünde did not help.
Luther's report to Spalatin that Carlstadt, after his departure, had written two letters to Orlamünde, one to the men, the other to the women; the people were called together by the bells for the reading of these letters.
See Appendix, No. 118.
G. How Carlstadt went from here to Strasbourg and further to Basel, and Luther, when he warned the Strasbourgers against Carlstadt, began to blaspheme publicly through writings, also vehemently denied the true presence of Christ in Holy Communion.
687 Luther's letter to Gerbel in Strasbourg to comfort him and others about the Carlstadt tragedy. October 22, 1524.
This letter is found in Latin in Aurifaber, vol. II, p.235; in De Wette, vol. II, p.555 and in Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol.V, p.37.
Newly translated from the Latin.
Grace and peace in Christ! How can we be surprised, my dear Gerbel, that under the prince, yes, the god of this world, the ge-.
We know that the one who does not lie does not in vain attribute so much to Satan that he calls him prince and god, not of one people but of the whole world, because he wants us to be warned. This is not to be wondered at, rather, if under such a great tyranny only a few remnants can remain who stand right [in doctrine] and become blessed, so that the wonderful work of the true God may shine forth all the more gloriously. Therefore, Carlstadt does right that he, who has long since been handed over to Satan, finally reveals the secrets of his God. Nothing has driven man to this but the untamed desire for vain glory, so often prevented by Christ, from which this heart burns inextinguishably. Therefore, according to Paul's teaching [Phil.4, 4-6.], it behooves us to be sure not to worry about anything, since we know that the Lord is near, only that we make our requests known before God with thanksgiving. For we will not fight or win the more happily the more we are anxious or worried, nor will we fall the more unhappily if we are cheerful and confident. Let us leave the sadness together with the anxious worry to the spirit of Carlstadt. We want to take this fight upon ourselves, as if we had something else to accomplish; the cause is God's, the worry is God's, the work is God's, the victory is God's, the honor is God's; he will fight and win without us. Now if he will keep us worthy to be his weapons, let us be ready and willing. This I write to exhort you and through you others, that you fear not Satan, and that your hearts be not troubled [John 14:27]. If we are unjust, what is more just than that we should be oppressed? But if we are righteous, God is righteous, who will bring forth our righteousness as the noonday [Ps. 37:6]. Therefore, let fall what falls, let stand what stands: it is not our cause, since we do not seek what is ours. Farewell, my dear Gerbel, and pray for me. Wittenberg, Saturday after Lucas [Oct. 22] 1524.
Martin Luther.
688. D. Martin Luther's letter of warning to the Christians of Strasbourg to beware of Carlstadt's ravings. Dec. 145, 1524
This letter was first published in 1524 by Joseph Klug in Wittenberg in a single edition under the title: "Eyn brieff an die Christen Zu Straspurg Widder den schwermer gehst. Martini Luther. sUnder the title border:] The Lord knoweth the way of the righteous, but the way of the wicked shall be turned aside. Psal. 1. Wittemberg." 6 leaves quarto. In the Erlangen correspondence, four other individual editions are noted that belong to the year 1525, including one from Strasbourg. In the collections: in the Wittenberg (1551), vol. II, BI.66K; in the Jena (1556), vol.III, Bl. Ill; in the Altenburg, vol. III, p.104; in the Leipziger, vol.XIX, p. 225; in the Erlanger, vol. 53, p. 270 and in De Wette, vol. II, p. 574. Vincentius Obsopöus translated this letter into Latin; this translation is found in Aurifaber, vol.II, p. 247b and in the Wittenberger (1558), tom. VII, col. 501 d. The date of the letter is derived from Luther's letter to Spalatin of 14 Dec. 1524, De Wette, vol.II, p.573.
Martinus Luther, unworthy Ecclesiast and Evangelist at Wittenberg, the dearest friends of God, all Christians at Strasbourg.
The Lord knows the way of the righteous, but the way of the wicked shall perish. Ps. 1, 6.
Grace and peace from God our Father and the Lord Jesus Christ. Dearest lords and brothers! I am hitherto highly pleased and thank God, the Father of all mercies, for the abundant grace He has bestowed upon you, calling you to His marvelous light and bringing you into the fellowship of all the riches of His Son JEsu Christ, so that you may now, through His salvific Word, recognize and call with a joyful heart the true Father, who redeemed us from the dreadful darkness of the end of Christ, and led us out of the iron furnace of Egypt [5 Mos. 4, 20], of sins and death, into the wide, safe, free, right promised land.
2 Therefore see to it that you remember behind you what you have been, and that you are not found ungrateful for such great grace and mercy, as some already do, and arouse God's anger again, but remain, practice, and increase in the same knowledge and grace of Jesus Christ. For this is the right way to salvation, which you cannot lack. And see to it that you have one thing in common.
Keep your minds firm, and show brotherly love in deed toward one another, that your faith may bear witness that it is not false, slothful, or idle, and that the enemy, having been cast out, will not return and find the house idle and beautiful, and invade it with seven evil spirits, that the last may be worse than the first [Luc. 14:26].
But whether you are blasphemed or persecuted, blessed are you [Matth. 5, 12.); if they have called the father of the house Beelzebub, how 1) much more his household! The servant shall not fare better than his master [Matth. 10, 24. 25.]. And what harm can it do, if poor men, who pass away like smoke [Ps. 37:20], blaspheme you, if you are sure that so many thousand times a thousand angels in heaven and God Himself rejoice over you, and praise and glorify you with all creatures? How all this your faith and good conscience feels in the Holy Spirit and gives you testimony, where you believe otherwise and have Christ truly living and reigning in you. For such sufferings only improve and promote our blessedness.
4) But these are dangerous things, where discord, sectarianism and error arise among Christians, which 2) distort and mislead such comforting knowledge and consciences, and secretly tear them away from grace in the Spirit into outward things and works, as the false apostles did, and afterward many a heretic, and finally the pope. Here it is highly necessary to watch. For if our gospel is the true gospel, as I have no doubt and am sure it is, it must also be challenged, tried and proved on both sides: on the left, by the outward reproach and hatred of the unrighteous; on the right, by our own division and discord, as St. Paul says [1 Cor. 11:19]: "There must be heresies, that they which are righteous may be made manifest among you. Christ must not only have Caipham among his enemies, but also Judam among his friends.
1) De Wette and the Erlanger: "or" instead of: like.
2) This is the reading of the Jena edition and Walch. In the Wittenberg and in De Wette incomprehensible: "Thus such comforting knowledge dislocates and misleads the conscience" etc. In the Latin translation: per 6Uri8ti eognitio in simplieium eouseientüs variis involvitur erroribus.
(5) Knowing this, we should be armed and prepared, as those who must surely be provided for every hour of both offences, and not be surprised or frightened at all if there is discord among us, but think freshly that it must and will be so, and ask God to be with us and to keep us on the right path. For, as Moses says [Deut. 8:2, 13:3], God tries us whether we cling to Him with all our heart or not.
6 I say this because I have experienced how new prophets arise at some ends, and how some of you have written to me that Doctor Carlstadt is causing a ruckus among you with his raving about the sacrament, images and baptism, as he has also done elsewhere, and scolds me as if I had driven him out of the country. 3)
Now, my dearest friends, I am not your preacher, no one owes me to believe; each one looks to himself. I may warn everyone, but I can defend no one. I also hope that so far you have recognized me in my writings, that I have acted so truthfully and confidently on the gospel, the grace of Christ, the law, faith, love, the cross, the laws of man, what to think of the pope, the monastic state and the mass, and all the main things that are necessary for a Christian to know, that I am found blameless in them, and indeed cannot deny that I have been an unworthy witness of God, through whom he has helped many souls.
8. which piece has never wanted to make any right D. Carlstadt, nor can, as I now see from his letter, that I am truly not meant, and am immediately startled that the man still lies so low. And when I look at his thing, he falls out on the external things with such impetuosity, as if the whole power of a Christian being lay in the storming of images, overthrowing the sacrament and preventing baptism, and would like to darken with such smoke and steam the whole sun and light of the Gospel and the main pieces of Christian being, so that the world should forget everything that has been taught by us so far. And
3) In the signature of his letter to the Orlamünder. Cf. Appendix, No. 118.
But he does not distinguish himself by raising his voice, which is a truly Christian being. For to storm images, to deny the sacrament, to punish baptism, is a bad art, which even a knave can do, and never makes a Christian. Therefore, this is a crude devil who has little regard for me.
(9) Now therefore my faithful counsel and warning is, that ye take heed, and stand upon the one question, what is it that maketh a man a Christian, and by no means allow any other question or art to be equal unto it. If anyone brings up anything, look at it and say, "Dear man, does the same thing make one a Christian or not? If not, let it not be the main thing, nor fall out of it with all seriousness. But if anyone is too weak to do this, let him take his time and wait until he sees what we or others have to say about it. I have ever, praise God, done it right and well so far in the main parts, and whoever says otherwise must not be a good spirit; I hope I will not spoil it even in the outer parts, where such prophets alone insist.
I confess that if D. Carlstadt or someone else had told me five years ago that there was nothing but bread and wine in the sacrament, they would have done me a great service. I suffered such a hard challenge there, and struggled and squirmed, that I would have liked to be out, because I saw that I could have given the papacy the biggest puff with it. I have also had two who have written more skillfully to me about it, 1) than D. Carlstadt, and not so martyred the words according to their own conceit. But I am trapped, cannot get out: the text is too powerful there, and does not want to be torn out of my mind with words.
(11) Yes, if it should happen this very day that someone should prove with solid reason that there is bad bread and wine, I should not be touched so with anger. Unfortunately, I am all too inclined to do so, as much as I feel my Adam. But as D. Carlstadt says
1) These "two" are Cornelis Hendricks Hoen in Haag and Franz Kolb, preacher in Wertheim. The letters are found in the Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol. Ill, p. 412 and vol. I V, p. 378. The second one beside Hoen is not Rodius, as Köstlin, Mart. Luther (3), Vol. I, p. 701 assumes.
I am so unconcerned about the fact that my opinion is only strengthened by it. And if I had not believed it before, I would first of all believe, through such loose, lame antics, without any Scripture, based solely on reason and conceit, that his opinion must be nothing, as I hope everyone will see when I now answer. I also hardly believe that he is serious, or God must have hardened and blinded him. For if it were serious, he would not mix in such ridiculous bits and pieces, and therefore juggle from Greek and Hebrew language, 2) which he has not forgotten much, as is well known.
I could easily bear his raging with the storming of images, because I too have broken off the images more with my writing than he will always do with his storming and raving. But the fact that Christians are urged and driven on to such work, as if they had to do it or were not Christians and wanted to capture Christian freedom with law and conscience, that is not to be suffered at all. For we know that no work makes a Christian, and such outward things as images and the Sabbath are free in the New Testament, as are all other ceremonies of the law. Paul says 1 Cor. 8:4: "We know that an idol is nothing in the world." If it is nothing, why should Christians' consciences be captured and tortured for nothing? If it is nothing, let it be nothing, let it fall or stand, as he also speaks of circumcision; but of this further in the answer. 3)
13) I would like to suffer that he scolds me for having driven him away, if it were true, and I would also answer for it, God willing; but I am glad that he is out of our country; I also wish that he were not with you, and that he himself could have been advised to refrain from such a complaint. For I am afraid that my excuse 4) will accuse him quite severely. Beware of the false spirit, whoever can; that is my advice, there is nothing good behind it.
14. he could have taken me to Jena himself, for cause.
3) This "answer" refers to Luther's writing "against the heavenly prophets. Walch, St. Louis edition, vol. XX, 132.
4) Walch, St. Louis Edition, Vol. XX, 157 ff.
1) that I would not have mixed his spirit with the all-city, rebellious, murderous spirit. But when I came to Orlamünde among his Christians by princely command, I found what seeds he had sown there, so that I was glad that I was not thrown out with stones and dirt, since some of them gave me such a blessing: Go in a thousand devils' names, that you may break your neck before you get out of the city! Although they have adorned themselves very finely in the booklet, from which they went out. 2) If the donkey had horns, that is, if I were prince of Saxony, D. Carlstadt should not have been expelled, unless I had been begged; only let him not spurn the kindness of the princes.
(15) But, dear friends, I pray that you may be wiser than we, if we become fools, and write of our doings. I am well aware that the devil seeks only cause to write and read about us men, however pious or wicked we may be, so that the main things of Christ may be kept silent and people's mouths may be opened with new newspapers. Let each one look at the straight path, what law, gospel, faith, Christ's kingdom, Christian salvation, love, patience, human law and the like are; we have enough to learn from them forever. Even if you do not break the law, you do not sin; even if you do not go to the sacrament, you can still be saved through the word and faith. The devil's only concern is to turn our eyes away from our Lucerne in this annual night, and lead us out of the way with his flying fires and lights.
16. and ask your evangelists, my dear lords and brothers, to point you away from Luther and Carlstadt and always to Christ; not, like Carlstadt, to the works of Christ alone, as Christ is an example, which is the least part of Christ, in which he is like other saints, but as he is a gift of God, or, as Paul says [1 Cor. 1, 30.], God's power, wisdom, righteousness, redemption, sanctification, given to us; which ver-
1) "of a writing," namely Carlstadt's letter to Thomas Münzer of July 19, 1524. See Col. 2031.
2) In the Acta Jenensia, above Ro. 680 and Ro. 684.
These prophets have never felt, tasted, nor learned, and therefore, with their lively voice, they are boasting from heaven, with the degradation, sprinkling, killing, and such pompous words, which they themselves have never understood, and thus only make erroneous, restless, heavy consciences, so that one should marvel at their great art, and in the meantime forget Christ.
(17) Pray, brethren, that God the Father will not leave us to fall into temptation, but, according to His causeless mercy, will strengthen us, keep us, and accomplish His work begun in us, as we are comfortingly exhorted to pray through Christ our Savior. What an advantage we have over the prophets. For I know and am certain that they have never asked God the Father for their cause, nor do they have so much of a good conscience that they could ask him for a blessed outcome, but as they have begun out of their own presumption, so they also rage out thunderously for vain glory, until their end, the disgrace, is found. God's grace be with you all, amen.
689. the Strasbourg letters and reports to Luther about Carlstadt. November 1524.
These two letters are found, from Spalatin's copy, in Kapp, "Kleine Nachlese nützlicher Reformations - Urkunden", Vol. II, p. 641 and p. 644 and afterwards in the Erlanger Briefwechsel, Vol. V, p. 56 and p. 59. Both letters were carried to Luther by the same messenger. Luther received them on December 14 and wrote the "Letter to the Christians of Strasbourg" already on the following day.
Translated into German.
a. Letter of the Strasbourg jurist Gerbel to Luther, from Carlstadt's nobles against the Lord's Supper and baptism. November 22, 1524.
To the faithful witness of Christ and right angel of peace, Martin Luther, his patron, wishes
1. n. Gerbel Hail in Christ JEsu! Let it not grieve you, my dearest Luther, to give me, who love you so dearly, a little of your time in a matter that is so necessary and will serve your purpose so well. The cunning Satan, who has so far transformed himself among us into all shapes, into all monsters, and so
He has thrown around many threats, orders, torture, crosses and death, but he has seen that he has achieved nothing with them: listen now. Rather, with what cunning, with what treachery he tries to tear the minds of the weak away from the love of truth. For since most of our people gladly heard the servants of the Word and were a little in limbo between the old slobber and the new must, behold, now that roots were taking root everywhere and a few tender little trees were sprouting, Carlstadt, driven by I don't know what furies and what brakes, secretly came to our city. And he did not visit any of those who teach the gospel here, but first slandered terribly against you in the corners: you would have been the cause of his expulsion, then, he would not have been heard nor warned, and thus, by your counsel, by your deceit, you would have been expelled from the whole world; and since you could not have won by writings, you would have won only by force and by the prince's power and finally obtained the victory.
This and the like he has only brought out in a few who like to hear something new and seek their own honor, and has easily drawn them to his opinion, partly through the unfairness of the proceedings against him, partly through pity over his misery, over the pregnant wife, and the child wandering around in misery with her. For he does this everywhere fiercely, with great spite.
Then, if I am not mistaken, he goes to Basel, publishes his writings and sends them out in several armies. First, of course, with us, so that they would be spread quite widely before they came to you, and you, as I assume, would not be able to resist them at times. You should not think how both parts clamor in various ways. The papists take this as an opportunity for all kinds of quarrels. And never has a Faber, Eck, or Emser harmed your leadership as much as this few Carlstadt, since up to now it has been said of all of you that you otherwise did everything together, did everything together, yes, did the whole main thing together. In the meantime, however, those who have begun to grow in Christ are wavering and hovering doubtfully in the middle, not knowing whom they should follow, you or him, since they believed before that 1) one confesses the same doctrine as the other. They shout from both sides: there are only two sacraments left; what kind they are will also be put in doubt at the end. I have already cried out against this several times: Listen,
1) Walch: Instead of xroksssionsm, read prok "88or "m.
Dear people, first hear what Luther will answer. Do not, I say, let yourselves be moved from your post and place by such a light wind and start. You know that the 7-ovT-o, 7-0V7-O, 7-avT-], 7-avT-H (sic) is a dispute about words, which was only devised by Satan to drive us away from the matter itself, namely faith and love, to a futile dispute about words.
That is why our people write to you with such great concern for the herd that is entrusted to them. Behold, you would have the best opportunity to write to the Strasbourg people, especially to the evangelists; not briefly, but rather in detail and emphatically, so that you may send healing medicine where that Cerberus first spat out his poison. Dear one, help the weak! Dampen the pride of the nonsensical spirit, which, since it has no other door through which it can sneak in, now primarily finds these nooks and crannies, which are the most harmful thing the human heart could have conceived. For these [namely, the sacraments] are the signs by which we, according to our weakness, can grasp the epitome of divine goodness and grace.
To the dearest man, D. Martin Luther, the afflicted apostle of Germany, his brother beloved in Christ.
b. The Strasbourg Protestant preachers Capito, Zell, Hedio, Althießer, Schwarz, Firn and Burcer letter to Luther. November 23, 1524. 4)
M. Luther, the apostle of Germany, our beloved and venerable father, [offer
2) Diaconus of Matthew Zell.
3) These words appear in Kapp immediately before § 1.- We have taken the following inscription from Walch.
4) The author of this letter is Martin Bucer, then preacher at St. Aurelien. This is evident from the fact that some passages of this letter literally correspond to his writing: "Grund und Ursach aus göttlicher Schrift der Neuerungen" etc. Walch, St. Louis Edition, Vol. XX, 352.
their greeting] the brothers at Strasbourg, the servants of the church, W. Capito, Matthäus Zelt, C.Hedio, Symphorianus, 1) Theobaldus, Antonius, M. Bucer etc. Strasbourg, November 23, 1524.
May grace and peace from God the Father and our Lord Jesus Christ be multiplied among you. Dearest Father! As we have been taught by God and so often reminded by you, we strive, according to the measure of grace given to us, to prevent ourselves from teaching or raising anything in the Church of Christ of which we do not have certain proof in hand from the Scriptures, although we, together with you, have hitherto tolerated, both with regard to infant baptism and the Lord's Supper, a number of things which, although they have been brought into the way without reason from Scripture, are not at all inconsistent with the fact that a godly man could not make good use of them. With such tolerance, however, we also had the hope that soon afterward everything would improve in the way given by the rule of Scripture, when our people would have received the gospel of Christ more completely. In the meantime, while we are quite diligent, according to our thoughts, that both in private and in public everything is done according to the precepts of the Word of God, seven of Carlstadt's 2) writings are coming out, as it were, in one go, but we have not yet been able to see them all.
(2) But those whom we have seen dispute that in the holy supper there is the mere bread and wine, and not the body and blood of Christ. We send them to you with our brother, whom we have sent to you for this reason at our expense. The writings that came to us were published in Basel, but secretly, and there they were immediately taken away from the accountants at the mayor's behest; nevertheless, as many are curious, they are eagerly read by the citizens everywhere, and many are pleased with them. We, who hold to the context of the whole speech: "This is my body" etc., preach so far 3) with you, that the
1) Symphorian Althießer (also Altbießer) or Pollio, called "Herr Zhmprich" by the common man, pastor of St. Martin. - Theobald Nigri, Diebold Schwarz from Hagenau, helper of Matthäus Zell. - Antonius Firn from Hagenau, preacher at St. Thomas.
2) "seven" writings: namely one that he had already published in Strasbourg and six others in Basel. See the introduction to the 20th volume of the St. Louis edition, p. 21 d.
3) Instead of dnjnsHne we have assumed liuou^us.
Bread is the body of the Lord, and wine his blood, although we exhort the people most to the remembrance of the death of Christ, and reproach them that this is the proper use of the Lord's Supper, but that the other does nothing for salvation, since the flesh is of no use, even if the whole Christ were already there, as he hung on the cross, and in the same form. Now we confess that Carlstadt has not yet persuaded us of his opinion, but nevertheless, since he has thrown apart the context of the words on which we alone relied, he has made us waver a little. For although he interferes not a little with his cricket catching, he also brings forward some things that are probable to many others besides us, although they have not yet completely convinced us.
3 Such is about this: First, the words of Christ are, "This is my body, which shall be given for you." And it is certain that only the one and true body of Christ is crucified for us. So the word "this" must be referred to this very one, not to the bread eaten by the apostles and never sacrificed for us. 4) And it is nothing new in Scripture that the demonstrative is referred to something other than the context gives. As can be seen, among others, in the saying: You are Peter, and on this rock I will build my church [Matth. 16, 18; since "this" does not refer to the "rock", as the context would have it, but to "Christ", as the true understanding demands.
4.5 ) Then, since Christ commanded nothing else to eat and drink in remembrance of him, but bread and wine, and not to make of them his body and blood, as he commanded to preach, to baptize, to heal the sick etc., and since the flesh is of no use, and the bread and wine alone are sufficient for the sacrament, as the water in baptism; Since the true miracles were only performed to confirm the word, there is no reason why it should be said that the body of Christ is in the bread and the blood in the wine, especially since Scripture does not have such expressions, and we also see that so many errors and superstitions have arisen from them, and that it has been to the great annoyance of unbelievers that they have everywhere said that the body of Christ is in the bread and the blood in the wine.
4) These thoughts are expressed in Carlstadt's "Dialogus". Walch, St. Louis edition, vol. XX, 2325 f.
5) The thoughts expressed in this § are from Carlstadt's "Dialogus," Walch, St. Louis Edition, Vol. XX, 2350 and 2351.
have: Behold, here and there is Christ, and is eaten. Finally, Paul does not call the bread and the cup the body and blood of Christ, and this bread and this cup were never held in such high esteem by the ancients as they are by us.
(5) What he concludes otherwise, 1) as that τούτο is a neuter, but x xxxxx a masculine; and that τούτο is written with large letters in Lucas; and that in Marcus [Cap. 14, 23/.]: "They all drank from it," 2) precedes the words: "This is my blood," makes no great impression on us. But it, together with what we have mentioned above, finds such acceptance with many that they completely agree with Carlstadt. Others are doubtful and ask us for advice. To these we answer: The bread and the cup are external things, and although the bread is the body of Christ and the wine His blood, it does not help us, because the flesh is of no use at all [John 6:63]; but the remembrance of the death of the Lord is the only thing that brings us salvation, for which purpose alone such bread must be eaten and the cup drunk, therefore a Christian has more to consider for what purpose he eats and drinks, than what is that which he eats and drinks. And so, as much as we can, we draw the minds of our people away from this dispute.
Some, however, we cannot satisfy with this; they urge us to say: 3) what we believe such bread and wine to be. In fact, we cannot yet say anything certain to them out of complete conviction, and therefore we continue to draw them away from this question. We have therefore agreed with each other to write to you about this through our own messenger and most beloved brother, the deacon of our colleague Matthew Zell, who has planted here, and to send along the aforementioned writings, kindly asking that you not disregard this matter. For one can hardly believe how the minds of many people are troubled by it. Nor is it a small rejoicing of the adversaries that Carlstadt so cruelly sets upon you, who otherwise has been your faithful fellow helper in the Gospel, and now lays out such a great cruelty to you. We give him, in whom we also have many other things to criticize, which are
1) These points are taken from Carlstadt's "Dialogus," Walch, St. Louis ed. vol. XX, 2324 f. and 2327 f.
2) Here Kapp improperly inserted the words that are repeated later: uonuullos tsust, r^ui sidi puletrrs Okristiani viäsntur, omrüa xrsstsr äoiviLiaulL äisui adotsmus.
3) Instead of äieiruus, "Hoamus will be read.
does not send an evangelical man, by no means faith. He knew well that we and the Basel brethren were in good agreement with you, and yet he did not want to speak to them or to us and teach us anything better, but wanted to remain hidden from us both there and here.
Therefore we ask you for the sake of Christ, who has abundantly given you his Spirit, to control this evil, for it is spreading beyond measure, and, since it is easy for you to strengthen your brethren, for example, by writing, and to deprive the enemies of the opportunity to rejoice over such evil, until you teach in right books what one must believe in this according to the Scriptures, and what we can safely assert according to the indisputable word of God, even against Satan. As many as are practiced in the Scriptures only at Zurich, Basel and here, as well as others more, are quite inclined to Carlstadt's opinion, although everyone regrets and detests that you are thus belittled and blasphemed by him. There are also some who think that man learned it from you and yours, since he was still present at your free discussions, but few agree with them.
8 They also say that he does not agree with you about baptism, because he does not want to have children baptized, which is what you teach and what we still hold with you. In this dispute we also console ourselves with the fact that baptism is an external thing. Therefore, although it might be better, according to the usage of the early church and also according to the Scriptures, which want those who have been taught about Christ to be baptized, that only adults be baptized, because they have been taught godliness, and then confess Christ through baptism, and the false trust in water baptism be taken away, in which many today are also ignorant, doubting the blessedness of the unbaptized: we would gladly concede to the common consent and unity to baptize the children, if only, since the vows of the godparents are found ridiculous, a certain time would be set aside to teach the children, if they can now grasp the doctrine of Christ, who, as far as we could know, did not yet understand anything about it when only they were baptized.
(9) Furthermore, it is also very repugnant to us that we see that the wicked therefore take occasion to mock us and to blaspheme the doctrine of Christ, that since we have received only two ceremonies from Christ, we have not kept them uniform, since where the Word of God is preached, the same also prevails over all the laws and ordinances of men.
The Holy Communion is celebrated differently by you, by the people of Nuremberg. You celebrate Holy Communion differently, the people of Nuremberg differently, we differently, those in Nördlingen, our neighbors, differently, which, of course, many interpret as proof of inconsistency and uncertainty, even those who do not want to be regarded as carnal people. 1)
(10) We have long since prayed and taught in the church in our own language, so that our prophecy may edify, and the whole congregation may say Amen to our prayer, after the Latin language has been abolished, by which the Romans first kept us in the bondage of the bodies, and then also of the souls, for only too long, by which we finally received many unclean things, and nothing holy, which did not come from the Hebrew or Greek, and in that [language] has almost always been corrupted and polluted.
(11) We have the use of baptism almost exactly as you have described it in the booklet which you translated from Latin on this matter, 2) except that we gradually leave out the Chrism, the salt and the lights, which almost no one likes anymore. For we fear that a false confidence is immediately placed in everything that is done in the church contrary to the commandment of Scripture. And it is shameful to boast of the Scriptures, which abundantly teach all that is good, and yet not be able to prove thoroughly from them all that one does or undertakes. For if we reproach others for weakness, many reproach us for ours, that we doubt that the Lord will give the voice of power to his word. There are also many here who have not yet fallen in with the word, so that it is to be feared that they will never join it; so foolishly and foolishly do they resist it.
12) We still celebrate Holy Communion in the ordinary vestments of the vestments of the Mass; we also raise the bread and the cup of the Lord, after reciting the words of Christ. Since this is a use of the sacrificers, I would very much like it to be abolished. For we also do not like to use the garments. For what do Christians have in common with the papists? As for the rest, we have reason from Scripture, namely, that we first confess our and the people's sins to the Lord, and then the church sings a psalm in our courage.
1) stiaiu hui küöi noluut viäsri uniroalss. Walch translates: "even those who still hold something on their souls". This passage will probably remain an orux iutsrxrstuua.
2) "Das Taufbüchlein verdeutscht," 1523. Walch, St. Louis edition, vol. X, 2139.
The priest also sings the "Kyrie Eleison", "Glory to God in the highest". Then the priest offers a common prayer to God and reads a short lection to the people from the apostolic epistles. When this is finished, and the church has again sung either a psalm or the Ten Commandments, he ascends the pulpit and preaches on the Gospels for about an hour. Thereupon the congregation makes its profession of faith: "I believe in One God. After this song, he exhorts the people with a few words to sacrifice themselves to the Lord and to offer the farren of his lips, whereupon he immediately adds the so-called preface, and first the hymn of praise: "Holy", but then the common prayer for the authorities and the whole 3) church to God. This is followed by the words of the evangelists about the Lord's Supper, which he recites, and then, as has been customary up to now, he shows the bread and the cup to the people and prays again. In this prayer he recently explains for what purpose we are to celebrate the commemoration of the death of the Lord; then the priest prays the Lord's Prayer. After that, "Lamb of God." And then he takes the bread and the cup of the Lord, and gives it to those who wish to receive it with one another, after they have been carefully told about the Sacrament beforehand. Then the whole church sings: "Praise be to God", and the whole service is concluded with a very short prayer, and the congregation is dismissed with the blessing.
(13) This is the only custom we publicly observe at Holy Communion, which we celebrate only on Sundays, and which at first was observed in different ways by the brethren in different churches. But when we saw that many were offended by it, we became united about this custom, and lived in the hope that soon afterward the neighboring churches, and those at Zurich, and those who adhere to them, would also agree with us about a completely pure usage, and become one with the Scriptures, so that we could also stand against Satan, and among us, who preach the same Christ, who have one heart and one soul, and who are to walk in the same footsteps, everything would be uniform. We know, of course, that this will not be both graceful and decent, but useful and salutary. We also see and have experienced that everything we undertake on the good ground of Scripture and firm faith is finely accomplished by Christ's power. We also become aware that the cause of our hesitation is the power of Christ.
3) Instead of tot, read tota.
derns 1) is not seldom the fear of man, and that the 2) abominable [that is, who does not despise ungodly enough in our eyes, more than the consideration for the weak, which comes from love.
14 We give the Lord's Supper to the sick while they are still in their homes, and have had the council ask us to be at their beck and call for a time, if some have not yet been brought to agree with us and persistently desire to be communicated with according to the old custom, and have first been carefully reminded; but few have yet asked for it. This is because those who are not moved by the Word to walk in the same way with us have such an abhorrence of us that they prefer to ask for nothing at all, so that the whole flock, having lost all but one parish, goes there on holidays from the most distant parts of the city.
(15) The festivals by which the youth here have been miserably corrupted, and which are still in the minds of some who consider themselves good Christians, let us abolish them all, except Sunday, and from Christmas on, let us celebrate on Sunday all the wholesome commemorations mentioned in Scripture.
16 The idolatrous images have been removed from the churches by order of the council, but only the most noble ones, to which the foolish women consecrated wax candles etc. We hope, however, that soon all of them, at least in some churches, will be removed. For we obviously see and experience that they are a nuisance to the weak, although those who are founded in their Christianity and godliness can suffer them without being disadvantaged in their godliness. Let us not mention that the antichrists, to the disgrace of the Gospel, now worship them even more fiercely.
17. from the uproar that almost arose here because of the exceedingly blasphemous book of Treger, 3) the Augustinian provincial, an un-
1) Gautationig is wrong, it must be osggationis or eausationig (excuse, bald pretending). (Walch.)
2) According to the basic text Ps. 15,4, where it says of the righteous that he does not respect the wicked. (Walch.)
3) The Augustinian Provincial on the Rhine and in Swabia, Conrad Treger, had challenged the Strasbourg preachers with a hundred paradoxes <16 Deelksiu," GonoiiiorumHUk auotorltutk on March 12, 1524 to the disputation, but had gone to Switzerland to escape it. Therefore, at the beginning of April, Capito sent out his "Warning of the Servants of the Word at Strasbourg to the Brethren of the Common Confederation" etc. Thereupon
Shameful fellows, do not let yourselves be falsely led to believe anything, although there are always people there who constantly accuse us of sedition, while ours daily tolerate the greatest insults of the papal congregation, and it is also said that the very Treger, who has defiled us and the citizens in his pamphlet, is still here and continues his good life. For no one was harmed by the gathering of the people, who wanted nothing else than that this provincial and a preacher-monk, who barked against the word of God in an exceedingly insolent, coarse and blasphemous manner, should convict us of the heresy, which he always accused us of. Only in a monastery of the preaching monks, where they had found a whore, when they were looking for the preacher, they broke open some cells, and there they hunted up such silent game. Now everything is quiet, except that the priests are making noise, and the council is urging them to accept citizenship, so that if they do not want to, they will be forced to vacate the city. For it is said that it has been firmly decided that they will not tolerate their fornication any longer.
18 We also send here Erasmus' recently published booklet, 4) in which the unfortunate slave of ambition continues to put his slander on the Scriptures, which in truth is not worthy of being defended by some. We also confess, 5) that through him we have been given much cause to recognize the truth. But what is more? Why do we not rather recognize Christ as the author? What he wrote about you, the proverb about the Scyrian goat, fits him in truth, 6) since he now harms the kingdom of Christ much more than he does the kingdom of God.
Treger replied in May with a "Vermanung Bruder Conradis Treger an ein löblich gemein Eidgenossenschaft, von der böhmischen Ketzerei" etc., in which he very dishonorably attacked the Strasbourg. It was not until August that this writing appeared in print and Treger himself sold it at his monastery. The citizens demanded that he stand trial for the dishonor done to them and, to prevent his escape again, placed a guard in front of the monastery. But when the rumor spread that he had already escaped, they forced their way into the monastery on Sept. 4, where they found him and delivered him to the authorities. In the monastery of the preaching monks they searched for the preacher who had enraged the crowd with his sermons, but they did not find him, but a number of prostitutes hidden in the cells and in the cellar. The whole thing passed without further mischief.
4) The "Diatribe," in September 1524. St. Louis edition, vol. XVIII, 1600.
5) In the Erlangen correspondence here is wrongly interpung: H'atkniur, 6t nog; the comma should only be after Q08.
6) 6apr6a, Levriu, a wild goat which, having given the milk, immediately knocks over the milking cask.
2064 Erl. Briefw. V, "6-68. Sect. 4: Of Zwilling and Carlstadt. No. 689 f. W. XV, 2464-2467. 2065
he has ever been of use to him. For what does he seek but to destroy the reputation of Scripture everywhere, and to prefer the tranquility of the antichristic kingdom to the unrest of the kingdom of Christ? If only he knew 1) how much such shameful writings harm the godliness of Germany, of which Joh. Rode, 2) a very pious man who traveled through here to Basel, told us horrible things two days ago. For he [Erasmus] has made that also in Cologne many brethren have been turned from free will by his disputation. Therefore we ask you for Christ's sake not to listen to flesh and blood, and to respect what you once wrote of Erasmus, that for Christ's sake one must also hate one's parents, 3) better now than the advice of all orators. For this is Christ's word. All the adornment of the Latin language may perish; the wonder of scholarship may also perish, thereby obscuring Christ's glory! By His word we become blessed, by that of others we are only more corrupted.
(19) We have written this to you out of a heart that desires some things, that Christ's kingdom may grow and be furthered, which you, on no one's advice, want to throw to the wind. You know well how much depends on you according to God's will, how many thousands of souls hang on your mouth because they believe that it is the mouth of the Lord. You also know how, through your ministry, the world has come to disgust everything that is not written from the revealed word of God. It does not want to have anything to do with so-called well-meant, or, as Erasmus says, acceptable interpretations. It wants to see the living and
1) Thus the old translator. Erl. Briefw.: scires.
2) ckodunnkg likockius, Hinne Rode, was dismissed from his position as Rector of the Hieronymus School in Utrecht in 1522 because of his Lutheran convictions, but returned to the Netherlands in 1525 and joined the Anabaptists. It is he who in 1522 delivered to Luther the letter of Cornelius Hoen together with a collection of small writings of Wessel. Compare St. Louis edition, vol. XIV, 252, note.
3) Hence also Erasmum or all masters. Luther put odiendok, which is admittedly not graceful, so he aims at Redner Rath. (Walch.)
They do not want to be children who are driven by everyone's opinion. This region also has children of God; it has those who are devoted to the Scriptures, who ask about the will of God and are concerned about it.
20 May the Lord grant that you also may be aware of ours, who have often strengthened so many other nations in word.
21 Answer carefully to everything that Carlstadt teaches. But answer without gall and anger; this he did not do, but thereby also made his writing very hateful. Let it be known that until now, and alone, you have always sought only Christ's glory and despised all human days. We thank Christ, who has granted that in your many writings you have not left a window or gap open to overturn your teaching, so that not even the outward things, which in themselves do not help to salvation, could be found fault with.
22 By the same grace of our Savior it also happens that the truly pious do not mind his blasphemy at all, but nevertheless wish for the sake of the weak, once the game has begun, that one might have something certain to answer and defend against all the subtleties of Satan. Help us in this.
(23) We also need to be instructed by you in some other matters, but this time we do not want to burden you with more.
24 Christ keep you, to whom you will diligently command us and our church, which wishes you and yours all salvation. Greetings to us from Philip Melanchthon, Pommer and your other co-workers. We command our messengers to you in the Lord. Strasbourg, November 23, 1524.
690 Carlstadt's Tractate, in which he vehemently denied the true presence of Christ in Holy Communion, and sought to make Luther as black as he could.
Some of these tracts are included in the 20th volume of our edition, namely Col. 92. 2306 and 2312.
Section Five of Chapter Eight.
Of the renewed hope for Carlstadt's change and settlement with Luther, for which the latter again offered his hand, and not only pleaded for him with Elector Frederick, but also, after his death, obtained permission from the new Elector John for him to come to Saxony again, and again made every effort to bring Carlstadt back on the right path, who, however, after a friendship that had lasted for a while, was unresponsive and remained obdurate, secretly exchanged letters with the false spirits against Luther, and then escaped from Saxony forever.
A. What an effort Luther made during the lifetime of Prince Frederick the Wise to bring Carlstadt back into the country, but the court refused.
691 Luther's report to Spalatin of Dec. 29, 1524, that he had written to Carlstadt and hoped to have a meeting with him and make peace.
See Appendix, No. 119.
692 Luther's letter to Spalatin that Carlstadt had answered him, and he sent this answer along; he asked Spalatin to arrange for Carlstadt's safe conduct with the Elector in order to hold an interview with him. March 4, 1525.
The original of this letter is in the Anhaltisches Gesammt-Archiv. Printed by Aurifaber, vol. II, p. 279d; by De Wette, vol. II, p. 629 (datirt: end of February) and in Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol. V, p. 133 after the original. The date of the original is: I'sria sappato post I, - On Saturday after Quinquagesimä, which Aurifaber incorrectly resolved by: Laddatüo post IiStLrs.
Newly translated from the Latin.
To his extremely dear friend in the Lord, M. Georg Spalatin, the servant of Christ at the Court of Saxony.
Grace and peace! I am sending Carlstadt's letter, my dear Spalatin, which is addressed to me, in which he answers mine, as you see, which I sent to him through Joachim. 1) Now only
1) Joachim Camerarius was visiting Melanchthon from Bamberg in December 1524, and Luther gave
Luther's further report to Spalatin on how he liked the Elector's negative answer, which he wanted to send to Carlstadt.
See Appendix, No. 120.
B. How Carlstadt after the death of Prince Frederick, fearing to be killed as a co-initiator of the peasants' riot, had gone to Luther
Luther sent a letter to Carlstadt on December 23, but it did not reach Carlstadt's hands until February 18, 1525. Luther did not receive the answer until March 2. (Köstlin, Martin Luther, Vol. I, p. 729.)
Carlstadt hid him compassionately in his house for more than eight weeks, induced him to recant through printed writings, trusted him this time as well, and obtained permission from Elector John for his return to Saxony.
694 Luther's letter to all Christians as a preface to Carlstadt's booklet, in which he apologizes for the riot. Probably late June or early July 1525.
This writing is the preface to the "Entschuldigung des falschen Namen der Aufruhr, so ihm ist mit Unrecht aufgelegt worden" written by Carlstadt on June 24, 1525. It is found in the Wittenberg edition (1551), vol. II, p. 68d; in the Jena edition (1556), vol. Ill, p. 1056; in the Altenburg edition, vol. Ill, p. 109; in the Leipzig edition, vol. XIX, p. 227; and in the Erlangen edition, vol. 64, p. 404. Since Carlstadt wrote his paper on June 24 and then sent it to Luther, there is some time between the writing of the paper and the writing of the preface. After that, our approximate time determination.
To all the dear Christians before whom this writing comes, grace and peace from God our Father, and [the] Lord JEsu Christo.
1. Andreas Carlstadt has made me a booklet, in which he excuses himself from the dangerous and grave rumor, 1) as if he were guilty of the sedition, or had been a head and instigator of the seditionists, and has asked me with great earnestness that I would let the same go out through the printing press, to save his name, and also, that he should not be condemned so miserably, unheard and unconquered, and without merit and cause be insecure of his life and property, now that the clamor is going on, as if one should go too fast with many poor people, and out of pure anger judge both guilty and innocent, unheard and unconquered. So I fear that the timid tyrants, who were afraid of a rushing leaf before, have now become so bold, until they accomplish their will of courage, that God also overthrows them to the ground in his time.
1) Walch and the Erlangeners: Court.
2 Although D. Carlstadt is my greatest enemy because of the doctrine, and we both have been so hard on each other that there is no hope for a contract or further fellowship, nevertheless, because he is so loyal to me in his concerns and temptations, more than to his friends who have set him on me, I will let him find the same loyalty with me, as much as I can, and gladly show him service and others.
3. considering that Christ has taught us and shown us by his own example to do good to our enemies and to love them. 3. Seeing that Christ has taught us, and shown us by his own example, to do good to our enemies and to love him, whom we owe to follow, if we want to be Christians and have a part with him in his kingdom. If I did not know how to keep my conscience before God, when I saw that he would be harmed in an unimportant way, and I could help to defend it, I would not do it. Of course, it would be as much to me in the sight of God as if I had done such evil to him myself, even though St. Paul teaches Romans 12:20: "If your enemy hungers, feed him; if he thirsts, give him drink" etc.
4. and do this so much the better, that I hope God will give grace (if we ask earnestly), that this good beginning will be followed by even better things, and that he will finally recognize himself, and fall from his error in the sacrament and come back to the right truth along with many others. For Christ says [John 11:9], "The day has twelve hours." No man, because he lives, can despair of how high and low he has always fallen. And we know that God is marvelous in His works [Ps. 139, 14.], to which we can give neither time nor duration, neither measure nor goal, neither color nor shape.
(5) For I hereby freely state and make known that with this service of mine I do not affirm D. Carlstadt's opinion and doctrine, especially of the Sacrament, nor do I fall into it in any way, but, as I have previously written against it, so I still stand and remain. I also ask everyone most sincerely to beware of the same, regardless of the fact that many others also write about the same, but with such unfounded, solicited intrigues that I know of no other thanks to the same, except that
they only make me the stronger in my mind.
(6) But if anyone is so full of suspicion, and would blame me for believing Carlstadt all too soon, and not wanting to be serious, but having other things in mind, I answer, "It is not for me or anyone else to judge another's heart. Moreover, St. Paul says in 1 Cor. 13:4 ff: "Love is not suspicious." And again, "Love trusts all things." Although it is often deceived by such trust, as it is said, "Ride away the horse," it does not leave.
I now state my opinion: As long as D. Carlstadt is justified and wants to suffer what he wants to suffer, where he is found rebellious and overcome, I must believe his booklet and confession; even though I myself was moved before I heard such his expensive, high plea, that he had a rebellious courage, like some who were with him. But now I must leave room for his own plea, and not refuse to help the interrogation, but encourage it.
8 For, if one is to tell the truth and look at the matter in the light, this lamentation and turmoil is not the fault of the peasants alone, but much more of the mad princes and foolish bishops. For since the common man had righteous preachers and liked to hear the pure gospel, in which they learned faith and obedience, our nobles could not stand that, and without any cause drove out the righteous preachers, and set over the people rude asses' heads, who could do nothing, and wantonly incited the people against themselves. Therefore, God caused seditious preachers to come among the people, and they began such a miserable situation, which has caused such discontent among the common people that there will be no end to it until the tyrants also rise up in the mud. For there can be no endurance where a people do not love their lord, but must fear him alone; and it comes to pass, as he says, "Whomsoever fears much must fear much again; for he cannot be secure nor happy with those who have neither desire nor love for him.
(9) But our nobles and idols shall not hear nor accept these things, but shall become
and blame the gospel for what they deserve, and lead the fools' rhymes, which are called: I do not care; until one comes, who leads another rhyme against it, and says: It is my earnestness, that neither prince nor bishop remain under heaven. Therefore, let what is fled go, they will soon find what they have long sought; it is already on the way, God grant that they may be converted in time, amen.
(10) So now I ask both gentlemen and everyone, because D. Carlstadt so highly deserves to be excused from the rebellious name, that he be allowed to come to this, so that God will not be tempted further and higher, so that the displeasure and resentment of the mob against the authorities will not become stronger and greater justice will be gained. For it is not good to take upon oneself the common prayer and cry, since He cannot lie, who promised that He would hear the cry of the oppressed and not suffer; He also has power enough to avenge and punish such. May God grant us His mercy, Amen.
Luther's preface to "Carlstadt's Declaration, How He Respects and Wants His Doctrine of the Reverend Sacrament and Others".
Probably still in July 1525.
Carlstadt's "Declaration", which he wrote in Luther's house, who kept him hidden for more than eight weeks (see St. Louis edition, vol. XX, Introduction, p. 24 f.), is found in our edition, vol. XX, 312. The "Declaration" is dated July 25, 1525. Therefore, this preface is to be placed somewhat later. It is found in the Wittenberg edition (1551), vol. II, p. 70; in the Jena(1556), vol. Ill, p. 163b; in the Altenburg, vol. Ill, p. 154; in the Leipzig, vol. XIX, p. 229 and in the. Erlanger, vol. 64, p. 408.
To all dear Christians, grace and peace in Christ our Savior, Martin Luther.
D. Carlstadt has sent me a booklet in which he explains himself and his writing, especially that which he has taken from the reverend Sacrament. And I am highly pleased that he freely and publicly testifies that he does not want his teaching to be considered a certain and decided truth, as he himself does not yet hold it, nor can he hold it, but has his own opinion and mind.
The question is how to hear and learn where to prove and confirm the truth thoroughly and stately.
2 And indeed, when I think behind me and look around, I myself am well aware that almost all of his little books are titled or headed in such a way that he also presents a delusion and disputation, and concludes nothing finite, as an article of faith. For this is what his titles usually read: Whether one may prove this or that from Scripture? In addition, his prefaces also require that he question and research, and give others cause to question and stimulate them to research.
But because he handled the matter so well in his letter, and I saw that so many people fell on it and were attached to it, I forgot his titles and prefaces, 1) and truly did not think otherwise, because it was his serious opinion. And so perhaps it has happened to all others. For this reason, it is truly necessary for him, and he was also guilty of omitting such an explanation.
4 And though it is dangerous to waver, doubt, or at first dispute in matters and articles of faith, if anyone finally persists in them, yet we, who are certain, are obliged to help those wavering and questioning hearts, and in such peril to reach out a hand, to listen kindly to their questions and inquiries, causes and motions, and with the Scriptures to help them out. For there is no need to despair of those who waver, and ask and plead for just cause, as those who are not yet hardened and sunk, but still shoot up and swim, and would gladly reach the shore.
For let it be said to every man, that whatsoever is taught or understood by the Holy Ghost hath these two virtues in itself: First, that it maketh him sure and certain that hath it, as John saith, 1 John 2:27, "As the anointing teacheth you, it is true, and is no lie." Secondly, that it makes one courageous, joyful and confident, even to
1) This is said with reference to Luther's writing "against the heavenly prophets".
to confess against death and the devil. Therefore he is also called Spiritus veritatis, a spirit of truth [Joh. 15, 26. 16, 13.]; spirit, that he makes courageous and confident; truth, that he makes sure and certain, that it cannot be otherwise.
6 Because now D. Carlstadt and also all others who deal with this article speak of it out of delusion and questioning, as they themselves confess, it is certain that they do not yet have the spirit in this matter, even out of human conceit, and do not speak out of the spirit. Therefore let every man beware of their opinion, lest he fall and cleave unto it, but, if he doubt and think with them, wait and forbear, until he be sure and certain, or else give up his soul in danger. For what we are to believe must not be delusion or conceit, but certain truth, about which we may let our necks be deceived. God's grace be with us, amen.
On Nov. 22, 1526, Luther petitioned Elector Johannes on behalf of Carlstadt that he be allowed to live in Kemberg, because he could not stay in the villages around Wittenberg due to the malice of the peasants, and the provost at Kemberg could also keep a better eye on him.
This letter to Churfürst Johannes is found in Walch, vol. XXI, 156; De Wette, vol. Ill, p. 135.
C. Of Carlstadt's former inconsistency, new false tricks against Luther, stubborn insistence on his error, secret correspondence with Krautwald and Schwenkfeld against Luther and the Wittenbergers, and his secret escape from Saxony.
697 Luther's report to Melanchthon that Carlstadt had already been absent from the place assigned to him for several weeks and was perhaps looking for his nest elsewhere, adding that he should always move there because he could not be brought back to normal by any kind of good deed.
See Appendix, No. 121, § 1.
698 Luther's report to Brenz on how Carlstadt, who until now had been carried in the fold, as it were, in the hope that he would get back on the right path, had become more and more hardened from day to day and still held to his opinion of Holy Communion.
See Appendix, No. 122.
699: "Luther's answer and refutation of some erroneous arguments which D. Carlstadt led against him to defend and maintain his false opinion of the Holy Sacrament. End of November 1527.
This writing is found in Walch, St. Louis Edition, vol. XX, 324.
700 Carlstadt's letter to the Silesians Krautwald and Schwenkfeld, in which he badly criticizes Luther's great confession of the Lord's Supper, also complains about his poverty and the poor mercy of the Wittenbergers, whether they already see and know that he must sell everything, and also reports that he has written a booklet about the Lutherans' disunity and wants to write another about their (the Sacramentarians') unity. May 17, 1528.
This letter is found in Latin in the German Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 277; in the German Jena edition (1566), vol. IV, p. 375d and in the Altenburg edition, vol. IV, p. 446; in German in the Leipzig edition, vol. XIX, p. 700 in a translation by I. I. Greif, which Walch has included. Because it is good on the whole, we have retained it.
Translated from Latin.
To the excellent and famous men and brothers, Krautwald and Schwenkfeld, at their own hands.
Peace to you from God the Father through Jesus Christ. I have written many letters to you, famous men, and have dug them up in the hope that a messenger might be found who could deliver them properly. But since none came to me, I tore them up. Now, however, I come by chance to speak with the present brother, who says in conversation that he wants to take up his quarters with you. After I heard this, I asked him to be so kind as to take a small letter to you with him. And
he also promises. Accordingly, I wanted to tell you the course of our circumstances recently.
After I had taken much trouble, the Elector finally allowed me to exchange writings with Luther and to write my fill; Luther, however, had made this agreement with me beforehand. I presented him with an argument, namely that no man, except Christ, could offer the body of Christ for food. In this Luther agrees with me that Christ alone gives his body for food, but he denies the implication, namely, that others cannot give Christ's body for food. We have spoken of men. So now he admits that Christ alone gives his body for food; but this he wants to be proved, that other men cannot give it for food. 1) I do not know how to prove this. Praise be to God, who has given me sharp arrows; I do not doubt that the truth will have the victory. But, as it seems to me, Luther will chase me away again, or will make an effort that something more annoying will happen to me. I will write a booklet about the unity of all of us, if God wills it; I have already written about the disunity of the Lutherans. In a short time I will send you many Lutheran booklets, but I fear they will be without fruit and use. Because of you, I have been in great anxiety for the sake of the tyrant; I have been worried that the good Prince Frederick might suffer some harm.
3. I would like to visit you and discuss one thing and another with you; but I do not know what ours suspect, since they fear that I would turn to Silesia. Therefore, they want me to be here; but no one will be moved to mercy against me. I have to sell everything, beds, skirts, jugs and all my household goods. They know that, but no one has mercy on me; perhaps they would also like it if I and my children were to die of hunger.
Now about other things. There is a rumor that N. N. is willing to attack some bishops, and he would really have done so if he had not been restrained from doing so by the pleading of our Elector. Your N. is not the best of rumors here. Some say that he had in mind to destroy you 2) secretly; but it is said that he was
1) Compare "Luther's Answer and Refutation of Several Erroneous Arguments" etc. St. Louis edition, vol. XX, 339.
2) In Latin: "os, in the old translation: "you", as must also be read.
prevented from doing so by the Turk. He is said to be standing in Greek Weissenburg with a very large army. If you are well, it will be a pleasure for me, if not, I am sorry for you. If you can, I ask you to write to me; let me know (I am also concerned for you) about your condition, especially about the progress of the Gospel. I wish that your, indeed also my prince, is well. I have written in great haste and somewhat obscurely, for I do not know the messenger.
If it were in my power, I would have sent a messenger of my own to you long ago, primarily for the sake of the reason that people are saying strange things about the cruelty of the N. A messenger from Nickelsburg has been with me etc. Doctor Martin's booklet, 1) which he has sent out against you and me, is full of forgetfulness of the benefits of God, full of ungodliness and blasphemies. As often as I look at it, bile rises up in my mouth. Among all, I am most enraged by the fact that he has written: In Holy Communion we drink the forgiveness of sins, from the cup. Oho! Be well in Christ JEsu. Given at Kemberg, May 17, 1528.
Andreas Carlstadt.
I send my heartfelt greetings to your provost and wish him all the best.
701 D. Carlstadt's letter to Chancellor Brück, in which he accuses Luther and defends his false opinion and error about the Sacrament. Kemberg, August 12, 1528.
This letter is found in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol.IX, p.272; in the Jena edition (1566), vol.IV, p.367b; in the Altenburg edition, vol.IV, p.438; in the Leipzig edition, vol.XIX, p.692 and in the Erlangen correspondence, vol.VI, p.339. The original is in the Weimar archives.
1. respectable, high esteemed, great favored, beloved lord! E. Respectable are my quite willing services always ready beforehand. Kind sir! I hope I have favorable knowledge that the honorable and strict gentleman, Hans Metsch, Captain at Wittenberg, my decreed superiority, addressed me many times, and left me no peace, until I agreed to explain my reasons of the holy scripture, because of which I was divided by Doctor Martins in the article concerning the sacrament.
1) Luther's great confession of the Lord's Supper. Walch, St. Louis edition, vol. XX, 894.
and how I do not want to put anything in before I have received my most gracious lord's permission and have been assured that no harm or damage will come to me from it, with the gracious promise that I will receive gracious and Christian instruction. For even though my most gracious lord has escorted me and given me a princely promise that I will not do anything wrong before I have been duly interrogated and, as is right and proper, overcome, as the princely grace will continue to guide me, and I might well have consoled myself in the above-mentioned article, but I know that their Electoral Grace would graciously allow me to live in their Electoral Grace's principality with this appendix, where I would sufficiently contradict my error.
2) Since from such a statement of my reasons it clearly follows that I have recanted with my miserable mouth, 2) but with my heart I have clung to the perfection of Christ's redemption, and must still cling to it, that is, that I do not believe that Christ is bodily in the bread, or bodily consumed, to make peace in the conscience of forgiven sins, or to forgive the sins, I hope E. A. will know that I am excused. A. will know me excused, if perhaps some are displeased that I desire my most gracious lord's gracious permission above all, or rather do not want to put in anything. After having obtained my gracious permission, I have divided my reasons into three parts: two parts of E.A. were given into your own hands at Torgau a year ago, kept quietly and secretly. That now to Wittenberg carried out, has happened without my will, as well as that Doctor Martini answer 3) before is written out, because it me behändet.
Now I have not behaved to E. A. in the next fast, as the Doctor Martin has taken great displeasure against me, as if I had inserted the thought book of the opinion to bring my most gracious lord's court to me etc., that E. A. will well know my innocence without my excuse, also hope my most gracious lord will have excused me. I have also told Doctor Martin and Pomerano that the above-mentioned Mr. Hans Metsch, Captain, although I believe incited by them, forced me to do so at once etc., and
2) In "Carlstadt's Declaration, How He Respects and Wants to Have Respected His Doctrine of the Reverend Sacrament and Others. St. Louis edition, vol. XX, 312.
3) "Luther's Answer and Refutation of Several Erroneous Arguments, which D. Carlstadt Led Against Him" etc. St. Louis edition, vol. XX, 324. Compare the introduction to the 20th volume of our edition, p. 26.
I have satisfied them with the fact that I am in need of great help in the above-mentioned article. Then the doctor said: I should hand over to him one argument after the other with brevity. Thereupon I was fearful as a burnt child, and wanted to obtain my most gracious lord's other permission also before; which E. Achtbar 1) gave me in the next different fast, of which I thank him obligingly.
4 On this I have inserted a refutation and an argument: whether they bring humility or hopefulness, I put in my G.H. and E. A 2) cognition. In the other, I have thus humbly submitted and begged that I thought a hard stone should become soft and do me no harm if it fell on me. In the refutation this is my reason: After Doctor Martinus writes that Christ gave his body in the Lord's Supper as food, I put on it, and say: that not one word, not even one syllable is to be found in the Lord's Supper, from which it is clear what Doctor Martinus writes. If there were any, it would have to be the word dedit or datur: but none of them can.
For this reason, we must search for scriptures in which enough of this is written; I have shown the sixth chapter of John, from which I have decided that no man who is not the eternal, true and personal God can give the body of Christ as a food of salvation. About this I have shown a contradiction of his doctrine; from which one of his best reasons must sink, and other things, so dependent on the action, have been brought in. Thus Doctor Martinus has given me an answer that both teaches me and reviles me.
(6) As for the other, I have taken from this speech of Paul, 1 Cor. 11:26."As often as ye eat the bread of the Lord, ye shall proclaim the death of the Lord until he come," an argument that Christ is not bodily with them that eat his bread for his memory's sake; may well say that I have armed and guarded such speech with so much scripture that he must be skillful, and truly know more than I, or perhaps more than a Christian should know; therefore I hoped he would use and prove his art.
007 For it is said, why a believer should not desire, neither can desire, that Christ should come to him bodily in the bread, or in the mouth, for the remission of his sins.
1) Erl. Briefw.: E. G. Achtbar.
2) Erl. Epistolary: "E.G."
Sins, as Doctor Martinus now writes, namely, that one drinks forgiveness of sins when he bodily drinks the blood from the cup etc., and has proved this with the saying of Paul: "The righteousness of faith speaks thus: Thou shalt not say in thine heart, Who ascends into heaven? for that is to bring Christ down. Thou shalt not say: Who shall go down into the deep? for that is bringing Christ back from the dead," Romans 10:6, 7.
8) It is reported that in the past I demanded Christ from heaven with words against this saying, and still demand them daily, and bring them here; I have also discovered my mind, as 3) I hear the repetition from the dead, and fortified it with writings in such a way that I considered it certain that Doctor Martinus would either give me something better from a higher cause, or become more favorable.
9 Because it is proved that Christ must give his body to death and die bodily, that he might take away our sin from our conscience and bring true peace and assurance of our salvation, that even today Christ with his body could not take away our sin without his bodily death. Sin is such a great and horrible thing in the sight of God that Christ also had to be cursed, just as He is cursed this time, since He took away our sin bodily and carried it, and redeemed us from the law through His body [Gal. 3, 13], that Christ also is a foolishness [1 Cor. 1, 23], a sin etc. [2 Cor. 5:21.]: have proved all this with scriptures, and finally set it down that it is not possible to speak of the possibility of scripture, that he may bodily give his body for our sin, if he die not bodily; yea, that they cast Christ out of his name, out of his honor, nature, and essence, who speak otherwise of the body of Christ and forgiveness of our sins, that they also are blasphemers.
(10) I thought Doctor Martinus would think and feel that I needed a thorough instruction, because I put the reasons and articles of Christian faith to my mind. But he has let me read such an answer through the above-mentioned Herr Hauptmann: If Doctor Carlstadt makes from the dedit, and donec veniet, argument that we do not give or eat the body of Christ bodily, then also from these words, Partes orationis quot 4) 8nnt? Argument to be made. This is the opinion of his answer. He also writes,
3) Erl. Briefw.: "where ... distinguished." Our reading is according to the Wittenberg.
4) Thus the Jena. Wittenberger: <Mock.
that I take him and his part for great fools, or must be blind as a bat.
11 Truly, Mr. Chancellor, I have experienced what Uebermuth does, and, if God wills, no one shall testify to me with truth that I consider Luther and his followers to be fools. But that is true, if such arguments count for nothing, I am so blind as a bat that I do not understand a single letter. God willing, that my G. H. incumbent business could be discharged so much, that her C. F. G. with her own personal eyes would see our cause itself, which truly touches the highest honor of God and His Son JEsu Christ. Now may God our Lord grant that our Lord may have both our letters, Luther's and mine, recognized and judged by impartial, understanding, God-fearing people, if their C.F.G. is prevented from doing so himself. I could not experience anything better, nor do I know of anything on earth that would be more beneficial to his C.F.G.'s salvation and more useful in attaining an eternal name that would be dear and delicious in heaven and earth. I do not wish this because I have written it out, since I still have much to do and to put in.
But as he gave me an answer, so he does with the evangelists. For he writes that Matthew and Marcus write against each other; for this reason he wants to cast suspicion on the text of Marcus for falsity 1) and then scrape out the word biberunt and destroy it, because it is harmful in its teaching. If we allow this, good night has Scripture and God and faith. He probably puts it dubitatively, but one knows and sees what the scheme and figure dubitationiss means, because Luther leaves it at that, and has no other answer than that the word beaver is to be eradicated.
My Lord Chancellor, E. A. is concerned about hell or heaven as well as about me. Even if we do not respect God, he will not be denied or suppressed because of it. Behold, for God's sake, whether those write the contumacious speeches, one of which writes the commandment of a lord, and the other the obedience of his servants and performance of the commandment, when the execution and the commandment contend against each other. Why did Christ say [Luc. 12, 43]: "Blessed is the servant whom the Lord finds doing this" etc. [V. 47. I:] "If a servant who knows his master's will and does not do it" etc. Now Matthew writes the commandment of Christ, but Marcus writes the obedience of Christ's disciples. Matthew therefore [Cap.
1) Compare Luther's great Confession of the Lord's Supper, St. Louis Edition, Vol. XX, 1043, § 377.
26, 27.], "Drink ye all of it"; so Marcus [Cap. 14, 23.], "And drank ye all of it." Are these vile words, or senses? For my part, I can well prove that they are not contraries. For this and other articles, I also have more to put and write; but if I feared such a help from someone, I would have encountered it.
14 It is no less true when Doctor Martinus publicly prints, 2) that Christ was not broken on the cross. For Saint Paul, who writes [1 Cor. 11, 24]: "This is my body, which is broken for you," is a diligent copy of the prophet Isaiah, which testimony the Lord also gives after the Lord's Supper. But Isaiah writes twice, right in the chapter in which he prophesies of the suffering and death of Christ, that Christ was broken on the cross; once thus: "He is broken for our sins", Attritus est propter scelera nostra, Cap 53, 5. The other time thus [V. 10.]: "And God would break him in sickness", or God would break him in sickness; Et Dominus voluit eum conterere infirmum.
I have had to sell half of my Hebrew bibles, otherwise I would have shown more passages; but from the places now shown, it is obvious that D. Martinus suppresses the prophecy of Jesus of the death of Christ, and Christ himself. Attritus et conterere, voces emphaticae sunt ejus, quod est fractum esse et frangere, quod tua clarissima prudentia multo me melius novit.
(15) Then he shall know that Isaiah hath expressed the cause of the breaking, saying, And the Lord would make him sick, or break him in his sickness. Dica Hebrew means in German: he has broken; it is often described in the Psalms. But Luther leaves the sickness and makes a new breaking against the scriptures. For in the first place, according to his meaning, Christ had to be broken in the bread, as bread, if Christ was to be broken as bread. But that would be against this scripture [Ex. 12, 46. 4 Mos. 9, 12. Joh. 19, 36.]: "You do not break his leg", and D. Martinus would have to grant such breaking and pieces, and his synecdoche will not redeem him.
16 Secondly, he also says against the Scripture, that Christ was broken without suffering, against Isaiah, who says, "And the Lord would break him in sickness. What? If no heart and no spirit in the Psalms is broken without suffering, he takes the word shibar, or
2) 1. c. Col. 1066, § 436 s.
Dica, 1) both of which are at times in One Verse, and mean "to break" or the like; Pf. 34:19.: "God is near to broken hearts and broken spirits." The first has the nishbar; the other, the dica. As also this verse: Cor contritum et humiliatum. From which also to note that dica means a violent breaking, because shibar, and undoubtedly Isaiah the word dica not in vain, and Paul also not idly written, "broken for you." It does not brocket itself, however, as it would be useful to his opinion. This can be learned from the 143rd Psalm, v. 3, and 34, 19. 51, 19.
Thirdly, this is an undeniable 2) punishment of divine wisdom, if he says that Christ was not broken on the cross; for Isaiah says twice that Christ was broken on the cross; do not trouble yourself if you want to recognize this. Such pieces are found several in D. Martini books, which one can and must beat to the ground with legible writing. I have certainly presented Luther with good writings that would have admonished him to do better, for he is allowed to print that Christ was broken on the cross. But because he is now allowed to print what he wants, God also wants me to petition him with obvious writings and see that printing is as useful to him as reading out the matter; indeed, it would be a thousand times more honest for him to submit to the obedience of truth than for him to print (which no believer may print). 3) I would ever be unfaithful to God if I stood against the public testimony of Luther.
Heavenly Father, how gladly would I listen to Luther and all men, and comply, if your divine truth were not in my way! I believe that your holy witnesses have rightly and properly described the order of commerce and history, together with the speech of your Son, our Lord Jesus Christ; and behold, Doctor Martinus not only departs from the order in which he tells how and what Christ did with the bread and the cup, but also departs from the quality and natural simplicity of your speeches. What shall I do? From the story of the bread, Luther's contradiction comes to light, and is revealed as soon as Doctor Martinus says that the Lord took the bread and gave it, as the evangelists write. How Paul describes the unrighteousness of the Jews and the works of the time of Abraha's faith.
1) xxx and xxx.
2) Wittenberger: unleachable; Jenaer: unleachable; Walch: unbelievable.
3) The words in brackets have been struck out again in the original.
Rom. 4, 3.], thus understands this contradiction whether the order in bread is reported and counted.
(19) If I go into the words of Christ and inquire why D. Martinus throws a soloecismum into the beard of Christ and his disciples, and accuses Christ that he or his evangelists say inconveniently: Hoc panis, or panis hoc, when he would like to repeat Christ and his evangelists without defect of construction, without figure, and with better reason, and say: Hoc corpus, then I truly do not find a reason, I cannot sufficiently wonder, that he confesses here either a defect in construction or figure, when he so grimly scolds the others on account of figures.He boasts of the quality and avoidance of all errors and figures, as if it were true that he accepts the word and speech by their natural quality and simplicity, and no one else.
20 Does he not see that St. Paul uses the tuto in the cup in eodem genere and does not make a soloecism? From this it can be seen that St. Paul could also interpret bread with the quality of speech and skillfully; as he does twice in the same chapter, v. 26: once there: "As often as you eat the bread," the other time down: "Which eateth the bread" etc. There he writes not Duto or hoc panem, but Tuton or hunc panem; from which it follows that Paul does not point to the bread where he speaks, Tuto or hoc corpus meum; for he would have written ουτος or the, as St. Paul did in the other two passages mentioned. If Doctor Martinus is so certain, he gives an example from the New Testament that the bread is shown with the tuto. But what seems strange to him? Is it not enough, if I give twenty examples, I will give a hundred each, and publicly prove that these pronouns ουτος^ aotyf τούτο, and articulirten kio, kaoo, koo, tend to point to the and following nouns ^to]. With this I do not mean to deny, 4) that such also often point to the preceding nouns, but always conveniently and congrue, in the same case. For from the property of the pronoun we see where and to whom it points, as E. A. knows everything better than I do. For the sake of this demonstration, I have not even offered to give honest proof. If I were admitted, perhaps I would write that Luther does not suspect himself.
21 I know this when I point to the body of Christ and say, "This is the body that is for us.
4) In the old editions: "liegen". In the original: "leugen".
has been given, so that no man or angel has been able to punish me with lies. If I ask what body has been given to us, the Scriptures do not tell me any other than the natural body of Jesus Christ. What shall I do? If the articles of our faith protect and shield me in this interpretation, hoc corpus, and not in that, hoc panis, namely the article of the conception and birth of Christ, the article of the suffering and death of Christ, the article of our atonement and redemption, the articles of the works of God and of divine creation.
22 The old translation stands by my demonstration, for it thus represents: Hoc corpus, hic sanguis. Why hoc here, and kiio there? Because of the nouns panis and calix, which both precede each other? No, they are both generis masculini, therefore he looked at the following nomina oorpn8 and sanguis, and interpreted them. What Erasmus holds, and where the demonstration consecrates him to, is to be noted from this translation: accepto poculo etc. Hic est enim sanguis meus. Why not therefore: Hoc est enim sanguis meus? If the translation does not dispute, it nevertheless confesses its delusion, and testifies that it would much rather err with Carlstadt, and interpret rightly with truth, than have the doctor's glory.
The clause "which is given for you" is a final speech of our redemption, which recently comprehends the greatness of our sins and the full sufficiency of Christ's suffering, which also masterfully comprehends the divine and paternal love, together with the supreme obedience of Christ, also his love and grace, and holds all that this speech says [Luc. 24, 46. 47.]: "Christ had to suffer, and on the third day rise again, and repentance and forgiveness of sins be preached in his name." For it teaches true repentance and full salvation, how necessary, how useful, how good it is. And even though it has been a hundred times over laid out with divine teaching, it must still kneel down and lose its light and usefulness. We know that in all the arts it is forbidden, shameful and harmful to draw examples non subjectae materiae: how much more shameful is it in the holy Scriptures? What shall I do here, my Lord Chancellor? The scripture lays out such clauses in all the books of the apostles, and in one book many times. If I am to follow the Scriptures, then I remain of my own mind; if I am to accept Luther's teaching, then I must leave the Scriptures, as I will prove.
24) These words: "The bread we break, is it not a fellowship of the body?
1 Cor. 10, 16, is Doctor Martinus' crown and firm foundation; yet he perverts word and sense, if he wants to build his delusion on it. For he says thus: The body is a fellowship of the bread, which Paul does not say; and continues to teach how the body is in the bread, and the bread partakes of the body, which all strives against the Scriptures now presented. For St. Paul says that the bread is a fellowship of the body of Christ; and not that the body of Christ is a fellowship of the bread. St. Paul also teaches who the body is. Namely, how many and how the body of Christ partakes of one loaf. As: if the body of Christ breaks and eats the bread of Christ, the bread is its fellowship, and thus the body of Christ partakes of one bread. This is so clear and public in Paul's text that a reader would like to be struck in the eyes: nor should I accept Luther's glosses against the bright day. Who will advise me to do so? From this you should realize that I am not to be mocked, ridiculed, scorned, despised, or to remain on my faith out of hatred and envy.
In the other part of Christ's supper, we have St. Mark's testimony as clear and bright as the sun at noon in the sky, that the disciples all drank from the cup before Christ began to say, "This is my blood. etc. Doctor Martinus also confesses this, where the text has the word biberunt. Now he has it, and there is no copy that indicates otherwise. I have broken the supposed contradiction above with redemption.
26 I confess that Lucas [Cap. 22, 20] and Paul [1 Cor. 11, 25] call the cup a new testament; but that Matthew and Marcus call the cup the blood of Christ, I must not believe nor speak, because I find it not written. But because Lucas and Paul have called the cup a new testament in the blood or through the blood of Christ, we should not change their words, nor improve them, nor move them, but follow them straightway, and say in the same way as they do, that the cup is a new testament in the blood, for this is ever rightly and wisely said. But it follows that the cup would not be a new testament if it were not in the blood of Christ in some way. It also follows that the cup is not better still in the blood, because the new testament is in the blood. Whoever then understands how the new testament is in the blood, knows ready how the cup is in the blood. This scripture, "the cup a new testament in my blood" etc., ever brings with it that the cup obtains the name of the new testament through the blood, and would not have it without blood. Since
But no one may speak otherwise if he wants to follow this Scripture, for the cup must be in the blood.
(27) If the true New Testament is not in itself bodily in the blood, nor does it pass bodily through it, as a man through water, or a knife through flesh, it is foolish for any man to forsake the manner of the Scriptures, and say that the cup is bodily in the blood, or that it passes through the blood. Nor do these words lead more firmly to such a sense than to this: The blood is bodily in the cup, or in the new testament. For this is a perverse and counterfeit scripture, contrary to this bright scripture: the cup a new testament in the blood.
(28) I do not teach Christ to speak as Luther teaches me, but I learn from the words of Christ how and what I should speak. I say that the cup is a new testament in the blood; no more nor better in the blood than the new testament. Now it is evident that the new testament signifies and reveals the blood of Christ with its power. But what blood? Paul writes the blood of the cross, Col. 1, 20. This is also the intention of the other evangelists. Lucas thus [Cap.22,20.]: "The cup the new testament in my blood, which is poured out for you." Matthew [Cap. 26,28.]: "This is the blood of the new testament, which is shed for many for the remission of sins." Marcus also says [Cap. 14,24.that the blood of Christ poured out for us is the blood of the new testament; of which St. Paul's teaching is rich and full. Accordingly, I must understand the cup also in the blood to be a new testament, that it is outwardly begotten of the same blood as the Scripture calls its witness. What wonder is it, since the anointing and bodily anointing is called a gospel in Luke [Cap. 14]. 1)
(29) Now there are two contumacious teachers: one is Christ; the other is Doctor Martinus. Christ says that the cup and the new testament are in his poured out blood; Luther, on the other hand, in the unpoured out. Christ says, in the blood the cup is a new testament; Luther: not in the blood, but the blood in the cup. What do I do? Which one do I follow? Give me advice. Shall I praise the word in my mouth, and by deed transgress and desolate, as Luther does? These are public contradictions: in the blood, not in the blood; in the cup, not in the cup. I see that Luther laughs at me and mocks me, because I contradict the simple words of Christ and say: the cup is in the blood a new one.
1) It should read, "Marc. 14, 9."
Testament. But is it unreasonable for me to love and guide and preserve the language of God?
30 Since E. A. see that I have the simple, loud and clear word of God, and Luther has not. Almighty God, how I would like to be of one mind and heart with Luther, if the Scriptures did not divide us! As this place Doctor Martini's ground and door shakes, and bends to fall, so it goes with the following words: "That for many, or for you, is poured out in remission of sins." Effunditur must mean (if it does not want) confunditur, or bibitur. But I have drawn the difference between the blood of the old and new testament from this word, and proved it by scriptures; do not help me, there I am stuck, and shall and must rave, how strongly the scripture has taken me, and how none at all is set against it.
Then I must hear with what force this clause "poured out for us" must fall out of their meaning, which the evangelists put into two sections, Matthew and Marcus of the pouring out of the blood on the cross; Lucas and Paul of the blasphemous bodily pouring out of the blood over the table; 2) as if the evangelists were fooling with two masters' words, and whether Christ was divided, and Lucas said nothing of the pouring out, and Paul did not clearly say of the death of Christ.
Respectable chancellor! Doctor Martinus has promised me an answer, and not mocking words, dräuwort, Nachtrachtung. I am warned about five miles ago by a person who has been in the monastery 3) did not have to hear great joy at Wittenberg yesterday. Did I deserve that, I don't know. If he wants to hold me thus, then I am badly deceived. As I hear, he relies on the fact that he has a gracious master; but I do not want to be indignant about it, because I do not believe that your C.F.G. will let herself and her name be used for inequity. Thus, their C.F.G. have also promised me mercy, so that their C.F.G. will not let any punishment be inflicted on me before I have rightly, and how justly, overcome.
I have their C. F. G.'s gracious will and permission, on this and on my good, well-founded right and provable right I am also confident. I ever boast of the quality of words, more than any other. My foundation is not only based on the words of Christ and his holy evangelists, but also on the rules of the law.
2) Compare St. Louis edition, vol. XX, 1063, § 428 ff.
3) That is, in Luther's house.
of speeches, the simple and natural understanding of speeches; and where this is and stands, ordinary and well-founded interpretation of the holy Scriptures, item, the articles of our holy faith must follow. I lack, praise God, nothing, and may speak cheerfully and confidentially in this matter: Lord God, judge me according to my innocence; Lord God, you know my simplicity, before you is my righteousness.
34 I offer myself once again and unnecessarily to give a good, right, firm, upright account of my faith for the full proof of my mind. Do not doubt at all that my Lord will let me enjoy my rightful request and plea, first of all her C. F. G.'s gracious promise and approval, and if I ever have to leave C. F. G.'s lands again, show me mercy, grant me time and space, and also provide me with gracious and written leave, for which I humbly ask, so that I may seek services with his C. F. G.'s knowledge and grace. F. G.'s knowledge and grace, to provide for my poor children, of whom I have three, to turn mine into money, and to bring in what I have outstanding debts; I want to honor and spread praise, honor and praise to her C. F. G. everywhere out of Christian debt, duty and love.
If, however, their C. F. G. could tolerate and suffer me in this faith and confession in their principality, and would pardon me [with] town clerkship, with a service, or with a fair amount of food, I would gladly, especially, and faithfully serve their C. F. G. before all princes and lords, and thank their C. F. G. eternally. What their C. F. G. will consider good or advise me on, I will obediently accept. I wrote in haste and did not want to write this time, but left E. A., who is otherwise anxious, unburdened; but my concern drives me and makes me have to bother E. A. now.
36. asking E. A. for God's sake not to blame me, and if E. A. did not want to look at anything else, but to take heart in the bitter suffering of Jesus Christ, and to let me enjoy my refuge, to ask my Lord for the most merciful answer in view of the fact that I will be forced into such a matter immediately. H. that I receive the most gracious answer, in view of the fact that I will be forced into such a matter immediately. If the Almighty God helps me to get in, or to obtain something, I will thank E. A. with the work. But if I remain poor, I will ask the living and merciful God for E. A.'s health, long life and blessedness. I have left my G. H.'s letter open, so that E. A. can read it and what is too much or too little in E. A.'s letter. A.'s letter too much or too little,
I have written this because I was in a hurry or because I was clumsy. Eternally commanded to the living God. Date Kemberg, Wednesday after Laurentii [August 12], Anno 1528.
E. Respectable willing
Andreas Carlstadt.
Please for favorable response.
702: Luther's report to Chancellor Brück, in which he apologizes against Carlstadt's edition and at the same time warns against it. Sept. 24, 1528.
This letter is found immediately after the locations given in the previous number, as well as in De Wette, Vol. Ill, p. 378 and in the Erlangen edition, Vol. 54, p. 38. The original is in the Weimar Gesammt Archive.
To the eightable, highly esteemed Lord Gregorius Brück, the right Doctor, and Electoral Chancellor of Saxony, my favorable Lord, and friendly dear Godfather.
1. grace and peace in Christ. Respectable, dear sir, kind benefactor! I have received and read your writing along with Carlstadt's ramblings; I truly do not know what to say to such evil grasps, for whatever evil happens to him, or good remains, that must have been done by Luther.
At my most gracious lord's request, my instruction is this: that Doctor Carlstadt surrender to my most gracious lord and promise to be quiet, not to write anything, nor to dispute with anyone secretly, but to feed himself in silence. He has often repeated this to all of us, and has also been directed to remain in the country, and has kept it (at least publicly) so stubbornly until now that he has not wanted to change his mistake even with me, if he had the permission of my most gracious lord, as he has then obtained.
(3) For once I had mercy on him, and out of compassion offered him whether I could dissolve his arguments and set them right; which he accepted with thanksgiving, and the joy and hope of us all, but afterward returned, and would not do it until he had been given the opportunity.
He had M. G. H.'s will to do so; he wanted to keep the escort so cat-clean. But I do not have a copy of the answer given to him by Spalatino three years ago.
But so that you may see how false the man is, I hereby send you a copy of the answer, 1) which I gave him to his argument, that he shows me to be quite unreasonable that I did not answer him. It is true, since he brought up such loose theiding, I got tired of it. And, however, it happened that I came across a letter he had sent to Schlesing 2) from which I realized that he took my good will and mercy for a mockery. Sint the time my heart fell from him.
Then I went and wrote to our captain, 3) he should tell Doctor Carlstadt: I wanted to have nothing more to do with him. For if he considered dedit or äoneo veniat to be an argument, he might also consider partes orationis quot sunt? and the like to be an argument. He was so annoyed by this that he wanted to disparage me against M. G. H., when M. G. H. had given me no order to act with him in this, but my mercy drove me.
I hereby send you the same letter as a sign, from which you will see how well he kept his escort and what a virtue his humility was. However, I kindly ask you to send the letter back to me in good condition, if it would be necessary to meet the devil with it. So far, I have kept it all for him. What should he do when he is away from us, if he does this in our castle? A booklet went out a year ago without any names, which were his, and I could not deny it when I held it up to him, but I knew it. But he made me the nose, he would have written and left them outside, and would be brought by others in print etc. I had to let it be so; and still today leaves much to him secretly, and yet is pure.
1) St. Louis edition, vol. XX, 324.
2) to Silesia to Krautwald and Schwenkfeld, No. 700 in this volume.
3) Hans Metsch at Wittenberg.
7 Because he is now caught in public lies, I want to be seen by my Lord and trust him no more. For it would be a ride for my G. H. a ride, as well as all of us, if he acts so maliciously against us and writes books. For who would believe that without my Lord's will and our knowledge Carlstadt would be with us, and yet his books would fly out, as I have persuaded him so harshly at that time? But if he should come from your country, he would cause great trouble, and would perhaps be laid at the door of my gracious lord, as he might have done with good grace, and have kept the man safe; as was also the case with Münzer, which example almost moved me.
But I don't know how he should be treated. Some think that M. G. Herr should dare as much bread on him and hold him as the ostrich 4) was held in Weimar. My opinion would be that my G. H. indicated in reply that he had presented me falsely and did not want to be rebuked; therefore, S. C. F. G. caused to take him again into the previous silence and vow and not to let him leave the country, 5) until further grace etc. How one can do this with serious words; for the man is so despondent against your seriousness that I worry that if he is taken in like this, he will perhaps despair. We are well burdened with him, and it serves me right that I have invited the devil as my guest and invited him into the country.
9 I want to have reported this out of duty, so that M. G. H. knows to beware. For so far we have not been able to get anything, so great a pretense did he put on, so much evil deceit was apparent. But now he betrays himself, and perhaps God warns us so graciously, the devil is not to be despised, for he can make a fire out of a spark, as he has often done,
4) About D. Jacob Strauß,. Preacher at Eisenach, compare St. Louis Edition, Vol. XIX, Introduction, p. 47 f.
5) Towards the end of 1528, Carlstadt escaped from Saxony. See St. Louis Edition, Vol. XX, Introduction, p. 27.
Come before me as a preacher 1) is with you, who undertakes to preach the gospel, but leads the people to it, or ever does not resist them, so that they refrain from doing it by force.
2 Now this is forbidden by Christ, that his preachers should be protected by human help, but stand freely under God's trust alone, as he says Matth. 5, 39: "You shall not resist evil. But flee from one city to another. For even if I had wanted to take comfort in the power of princes or lords, I would have long since made a different play, but not a good one.
For this reason, I kindly ask you, for God's sake, to turn away your people from such things. For it brings great dishonor to the holy gospel and to all of us, which unfortunately is all too great before, through much loose, careless preaching by boys.
1) This preacher was, as Seckendorf nist. I^utti., Iid. I, x. 282, K160, aää.1. reports, Wolfgang Crusius.
2092 Eri. 53, W. Sect. 6, On Other Enthusiasms. No. 702 ff. W. xv. 2497-2499. 2093
I had hoped that E. A. W. would have come here, so we would have continued to talk about it verbally; but this time it is enough. For the bottom line is that Doctor Carlstadt thinks we are all fools, and yet he is the most humble student before our eyes. Well then, let us be fools
in Christo, Amen. Hiemit GOtt befohlen in seine Gnade und Stärke, Amen. Thursday after St. Matthew's [September 24] 1528.
E. A. W.
Martinus Luther.