The sixth section of the thirteenth chapter.

How the Augsburg Confession was handed over to some papist theologians for examination, and immediately refuted by them, but Melanchthon wrote the so-called Apology.

H.. What unequal judgments about the read confession have been made among the Roman Catholic states, and what censure has been made from both sides.

963: Spalatin's short account of it.

About this document Walch says in the Jnhaltsverzeichniß of the 16th volume, p. 49 b: "Steht in Spalatins unnub x. 140 and in the Theilen Luth. in the places mentioned immediately before." But only one part is found in the Annals, p. 140-147, the whole is an excerpt from a writing that has the title: "Etliche Historie", well to remember, so sich auf diesem Reichstag zugetragen etc. von Magistro Georgio Spalatins verzeichnet. Anno 1530." This writing

is found in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 413 and in the Jena edition (1554), vol. V, p. 33. The individual pieces of this narrative are widely scattered there; in the Wittenberg 1. e. p. 413 u; 413 b; 414u; 414 b; 415; 416 b; 417.

Duke Wilhelm of Bavaria, when he heard the confession of my most gracious lord, the Elector of Saxony, and of the other princes, who depended on his electoral grace in the Gospel, spoke to my most gracious lord in a friendly manner, and when he came home, he was supposed to have said: he had not been told about this matter and doctrine before.

HE other day a prince is said to have been

1) This paragraph is not in Spalatin's Annals.

Princes and lords have said: The Lutherans have handed over a document written in ink; if I were emperor, I would give them another document with rubrics, that is, written in red ink. Another prince would soon have to answer to this: Nevertheless, the emperor would have to pay attention if he wanted to write with rubrics, as your lord says, so that the presiliaries 1) do not splash under his eyes.

Some Cardinals themselves confess that our cause and doctrine are right, but it should not have been done without the help of others; they do not know how to compare, they do not want to have acted wrongly in any way.

2) The archbishop of Cologne is said to have said last year: I am a bishop, and I am to govern my churches and preach. Now I cannot; but I only wanted to leave my diocese, so that this matter would be judged in good peace.

One says again, also some Bavarians themselves, that Duke Wilhelm of Bavaria said to O. Ecken: I have been told much different about Luther's teaching than I have heard in their confession. You have also put me off that their doctrine is too embarrassing. Then D. Eck spoke: With the fathers I dare to embarrass, but not with the Scriptures. Then Duke Wilhelm turned away from him.

His Imperial Majesty had his Spanish masters discuss how his Majesty should act against the Lutheran doctrine. To this they have given Imperial Maj. Maj. in the French language with this answer: where his Imperial Maj. Maj. finds in it such pieces as are contrary to the articles of faith, then his Majesty shall devote all his fortune to eradicating the same sects. If, however, the articles in dispute concern only the abolition of certain ceremonies and external things, His Majesty shall not violently oppose them. But to learn this, His Majesty shall submit the matters to some less pious people who are not related to any part. This is a fine, prudent, wise council, the like of which we would certainly have found hard to find in all German lands.

3) The Cardinal Campegius said to one of them: "I have often thought that the innumerable large number of monks will one day cause a great misfortune to the Church.

1) "Presilgen" == Brazil, red color. Cf. St. Louis edition, vol.XX, 819.

2) The following two paragraphs are not in Spalatin's Annals.

3) The following two paragraphs are missing from Spalatin's Annals.

Doctor Paulus Ricener, King Ferdinandi's physician, spoke most honestly and best of remote matters, concerning God's word, and cannot be surprised enough at the great harshness of our counterpart.

Count Felix von Werdenberg, such a great adversary of Doctor Martin Luther that he is said to have let himself be heard: if it came to war against the Lutherans, that he would let himself be used for it in vain, had a panketirt with the Abbot of Weingarten on Monday after St. Kilian's Day [July 11], and went there drunk, and was found dead in bed, and buried on Tuesday after St. Kilian's Day. God forgive him his sin. So one after the other always passes away. We still act as if we wanted to push Christ out of heaven.

It is said that when Count Felix von Werdenberg was carried to his grave, an honest citizen here in Augsburg stood before a prince's council, and when he saw the corpse, with more pomp than usual, he asked: who was the deceased? When he heard that Count Felix was the deceased, he was horrified and said: "God is a strange judge; only yesterday I heard from his mouth that he had spoken with dire words: he did not want to live, he wanted to devote his life and property to eradicating the Lutheran doctrine; then he went away so quickly. Now it is said that he was not drunk either.

Another count experienced this, who also opposed God's word so much, also with such defiance, he is also said to have been so frightened that he became ill from it.

The auxiliary bishop of Würzburg, Marius, often said in a collation: he wanted to stay with the mother, he meant the papal church. Brentius, as a pious, learned man, once said: "Dear Lord, you must not forget the Father, the dear God, in addition; then the suffragan bishop wanted to fly off the handle.

964 Luther's letter to Nicolaus Hausmann, in which the speeches of a certain bishop and Duke Heinrich von Braunschweig are particularly noteworthy. July 6, 1530.

Handwritten in 6o<l. 3en. d., col. 209 and in Aurifaber's unprinted collection, vol. Ill, p. 45. After the latter with obvious errors in Schütze, vol. II, p. 148. Also in Buddeus, p. 139; in Cölestin, torn. II, col. 206 6 and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 69.

Newly translated from the Latin.

To the venerable man, Mr. Nicolaus Hausmann, the faithful and very loud bishop of the church in Zwickau.

Grace and peace in Christ! My dear husband, our Februarius 1) or "Hornung" will tell you everything that is happening both at Augsburg and here with me better than I am able to write. However, after his arrival here, D. Jonas wrote to me that our confession, which our Philip prepared, was publicly read by D. Christian, the chancellor of our prince, before the emperor and the princes and bishops of the entire empire (only with the exclusion of the common great crowd) in the emperor's palace itself. The following signed the confession: first the Elector of Saxony, then Margrave George of Brandenburg, Johann Friedrich, the younger Prince, the Landgrave of Hesse, Ernst and Franz, Dukes of Lüneburg, Prince Wolfgang of Anhalt, the city of Nuremberg and Reutlingen. 2) Now the imperial ones are discussing the answer. Many bishops are inclined to peace and despise the sophists Faber and Eck. A bishop 3) is said to have said in a private conversation: This is the plain truth, we cannot deny it. The bishop of Mainz is highly praised as a man of peace. Likewise Duke Henry of Brunswick, who kindly invited Philip to the banquet and testified that he indeed could not deny the articles of the two forms, the marriage of priests and the indiscriminate nature of the food. Our people boast that no one at the entire Diet was more lenient than the emperor himself. So it is with the beginning. The emperor treats our prince not only graciously, but almost reverently. So writes Philip. It is to be marveled at how all glow with love and favor against the emperor. Perhaps, if God wills that, like the first

1) A game with "Hornung's" name.

2) Luther gives here the signers of the Latin confession. From the report of the chancellor Brück, No. 959, it results that only five princely persons signed the German Confession apart from the two cities; in the Latin one, Duke Johann Friedrich and Duke Franz of Lüneburg were added.

3) According to the following letter, this bishop is the bishop of Augsburg.

Emperor 4) was very evil, so this last one will be very good. Let us only pray, for the power of prayer is felt quite clearly. You will communicate this to Cordatus and all the brothers, because it is true. I believe that by now you have received my letter to you and your brother. The Lord be with you, amen. Greetings to all of us. From the desert, July 6, 1530.

Your Martin Luther.

965 Letter of D. Justus Jonas to D. Martin Luther, in which, among other things, the above statement of a bishop is confirmed, and another equally strange one of the bishop of Salzburg is cited. About June 27, 1530.

This letter is found in Cölestin, vol. II, p. 205; in Oorp. Lei, vol. II, 154 and a detailed regest in Burkhardt, p. 179. The latter has the date "June 29", but Köstlin, M. Luther, vol. II, p. 656 proves that it must have left Augsburg already on June 27.

Translated into German.

1. faber is quite mad, and Eck not much wiser; they do it with all zeal and seriousness, one must use force, and not first make much interrogation. Because of the confession delivered before the Emperor on the Saturday after St. John's Day (which would have been delivered the day before, had it not been for the lamentable and moving speech of the Austrians by Sigismund von Dietrichstein, which presented the pitiful state of the siege of Vienna the previous year), our princes were heard in the Emperor's palace, in a not very spacious place; there could have been about 200 people inside. The Emperor sat down, and the Electors, together with the absent Electors' envoys, took seats on both sides. Then the other princes and estates of the empire sat on one side. Our Chancellor, D. Christian, read out our confession from article to article, clearly, loudly and audibly, so that it was heard by all. He read everything in two hours. The emperor was very attentive. The Bishop of Augsburg is said to have said in conversations among good friends: What has been read out is true; it is the plain truth, we cannot deny it. I have seen the emperor's face

4) This will probably refer to the Diet of Worms.

and face now more closely and better than ten years ago at the Diet of Worms. In all things, this prince seems to radiate that which indicates a mild, honest, gracious and quite royal heart, and a sonorous, as it were, innate lightheartedness.

I have heard from a great man who was also in the council and assembly that whenever King Ferdinand speaks something harsh and ungracious, the emperor is in the habit of punishing him and saying that moderation and kindness befit kings, with which, however, he shows that he has an abhorrence for all heated and hasty proposals, and that anger and hasty zeal in princes is a very bad counselor. The emperor had our confession translated into Italian and French by Alphonsus Waldez and Alexander Schweiß. Only Nuremberg and Reutlingen signed the confession. The people of Strasbourg asked several times that it be accepted, with the exception of the article on the Sacrament, but the princes did not want to do so. The Landgrave has signed it with us, but says that ours do not satisfy him on the point of the Sacrament. The Bishop of Augsburg is to expressly contradict all suggestions of violence and cruelty in the Council. The Salzburg bishop is said to have said among good friends: I wanted both forms and marriage to be free; I wanted the mass to be better established; I wanted freedom in food and other statutes, and thus good order in everything; but that a few monks should reform us all, that is a disturbance of the peace, one must not suffer that!

The chancellor and the rest of us have advised the princes to go to the emperor and briefly present (and show) the summa of the doctrine, in which they can yield or not. Philip is writing articles here, which we want to consider together, which should also be sent to you, so that you can translate them and see for yourselves. As far as my conscience is concerned, I ask you through Jesus Christ, my most precious Father, that you take good care of it, because it is a very important matter. For you are the chariot of Israel and its driver; the Lord has endowed you with glorious gifts before others. The Lord Philip, out of good intentions, is proceeding in this matter quite deliberately and cautiously, and wants to give way to the common peace in many things. And in the end we have quarreled a little about the rule and power of the bishops, which I report to you so secretly. But

Here you should give good advice, so that it does not become a disadvantage for the whole posterity and torment us in our conscience afterwards. I would also like to see all this left undone, so that nothing is taken away from Christ. But I do not doubt that Christ will reveal to us what is to be done through your mouth, through which he has been presented and preached to us in a holy way. 1) The other day the Cardinal of Salzburg summoned Philip to him for an intimate conversation through Wolfgang Stromer of Nuremberg. And since he had returned from it rather heated, he told us, since it was already at 2 o'clock in the morning, what they had spoken with each other. I heard (he says) the most extreme threats, and only not a death sentence. The Salzburger, when he was told of his conscience, said: "Conscience! the emperor will not suffer the disturbance of common peace. They are safe, as if there were no God. It is astonishing how much they rely on human power, and how we are nothing but ants in their eyes.

I and Philip have been with Cornelius Schopper, who was formerly in the service of the exiled King of Denmark, but is now an imperial secretary. He said (as he likes to joke wittily and finely): if we had money, we would soon buy a religion from the Italians, as we only wanted. But if we had no gold, our cause would be a very meager and dry one. He also said that the emperor, who is now surrounded by cardinals and bishops, could not accept or put up with a religion other than the papist one, because the old one had been put into his head.

My gracious young lord will have your rose 2) cut into a beautiful stone and set in gold; it will be a very beautiful pitter-patter, which his princely grace will hand over to you himself.

(6) I would that ye would write unto Philip very often. For there is very great sadness in him, and the common matter is very dear to his heart. We are always telling him to take the Psalms of David and speak to God with foreign words, not his own, in such an important matter; but his excessive sadness keeps the upper hand.

communicates.

2) which Luther had in his coat of arms.

966 Melanchthon's letter to Luther, in which he reports on the attacks of the opposing party after the handover of the Confession.

July 8, 1530.

This letter is found in Cölestin, vol. II, p. 208 and in 6orx. Röt., vol. II, 175.

Translated into German.

We thank you very much that you have answered us without any worries. About other things orally. I will only briefly tell you what is going on here. After the handing over of our confession, three different opinions came to the fore in the assembly of princes. The first was the most stringent, that the Emperor should urge all princes and nations to comply with the Edict of Worms. The other was somewhat more lenient, and was to the effect that our Confession should be handed over to honest, learned and impartial men for examination, and that afterwards the Emperor should make a pronouncement. King Ferdinand also put up with this. The third, as it seems, is that the refutation of our confession should be read to us; but the Emperor reserves that we leave the matter to his judgment, otherwise we should bring everything back to the old state until a concilium is called. This latter opinion has not yet been made public, we have not yet received an answer; but I hope it will be proclaimed on Monday. I am waiting for it with great desire. For I have learned from experience how the Legate Campegius is minded. Since the Archbishop of Mainz saw that he could not achieve anything by much arguing, he did not come to the meeting the following day. Since the princes agreed with this opinion, the princely councillors were also excluded, from whom one assumed a more lenient statement. Among them is the chancellor of Dresden. Herewith I have told you not only the actions so far, but also what is still to be expected without any addition. For I foresee what movements, what a distressing spectacle the opinion of our opponents will cause. The farmer, 1) whom you know, is on top in the game, and is being incited by some hypocrites among the theologians. That is all I can write. Farewell and pray for us. July 8.

1) Duke George.

967 Directory of the papal theologians who were present at the Imperial Diet in Augsburg.

From Müller's Hist., p. 653, Walch printed this directory under the title: "Verzeichniß der päbstlichen Theologen, die die Augsburgische Confession widerlegen sollen. However, according to Spalatin's Annals, p. 141, the Wittenberg edition, vol. IX, p. 413 d and the Jena edition, vol. V, p. 34, this is the "Directory of the twenty Doctores, so wider die Lutherischen hie zu Augsburg sind" which the preacher of Queen Mary had sent to the Protestants. In the various editions, the order of the names is different.

1. doctor Johann Eck.

2. D. Johann Faber, provost at Ofen, coadjutor.

3. D. Augustin Marius, Bishop of Salon.

4. D. Conrad Wimpina, Ordinarius Franco- furtensis.

5. D. Johann Cochläus, with Duke Georgen at

Saxony.

6. D. Paul Haug, 2) of the Order of Preachers Provincial.

7. D. Andreas Stoß, the Carthusian Provincial.

8. D. Conrad Colli, 3) Prior with the preachers at Kölln.

9. D. Bartholomew Using, 4) Augustinian at the Bishop of Würzburg.

10. D. Johann Mensing, preacher monk with the Elector of Brandenburg.

II. D. Johann Dittenberger?) Prior at Coblenz.

12. D. Johann Burkard, Vicarius of the Order of Preachers.

13. D. Hieronymus Montinus, 6) of the Bishop of Passau Vicarius.

14. D. Matthias Kretz, 7) preacher at Augsburg.

15. D. Peter Speiser, 8) Vicarius of the Bishop of Costnitz.

16. D. Arnold von Wesel, Coloniensis.

17. brother Medardus, of King Ferdinand: preacher, barefoot monk.

18. D. Conrad Thoman, preacher at Regensburg.

19. D. Augustin Tottelin 9) of Bremen.

20. D. Wolfgang Redörffer, provost at Stendal.

2) With Walch: Hugo.

3) Walch: Collin.

4> Walch: Usinger.

5) Wittenberg and Jena: "Dietenberger". - Because this name is missing in Spalatin's annals, only nineteen doctors are listed there.

6) Jn Spalatin's Annals: Monting.

7) In Spalatin: Gretz.

8) Walch: Speisser.

9) In Walch: "Thomä, Prediger zu Regensburg". - Spalatin writes: "Tottelin", the Wittenbergers and the Jenaers: "Cottelin".

968 Spalatin's report on how the emperor had asked the Protestants whether they wanted to leave it at that or hand over more articles.

In Spalatin's Annals, p. 142; in the Wittenberg, vol. IX, p. 416b and in the Jena, vol.v, p.37.

On Saturday after St. Kilian's Day, July 9, early in the morning, 1) at the town hall, Duke Frederick of Bavaria, on account of his Imperial Majesty, in addition to Count Hoyer of Mansfeld and Count von Helfenstein, requested my most gracious lord, the Elector of Saxony, and the other princes who are attached to the Gospel, to indicate whether they wanted to leave it at the articles presented, or to bring in more articles, so that, where one will take up the matter, there will be no hindrance. As a back passage has been requested, in view of the fact that the cities pending against them were not present, namely Nuremberg and Reutlingen.

The answer, 2) given to it, has been Christian, and thus put, praise God that one has not given anything to the cause, presented in writings on Sundays after Kiliani, with diligent request to promote the things. God grant that it may prosper, amen.

969 A document handed over by D. Justus Jonas, Joh. Rurk, Erhard Schnepf and Heinrich Bock to their masters, in which they advise the princes to consult with their scholars about the matters in which one can give in to the papists. June 28, 1530.

From Spalatin's Annals, p. 220.

Grace and peace of God through Christ. Most Serene, Most Illustrious, Most Reverend Prince and Princes, Most Gracious and Most Merciful Lords! After the articles of faith and doctrine recently published in Ew. churfürstl. and princely. Gn. lands have been preached hitherto, Roman Imperial Maj. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, Electors, Princes and Estates of the Empire, and it is to be hoped that some will receive a clearer report from [the] opponents than they had before, it is nevertheless to be feared that this high, great deal, concerning the Christian religion and faith, will not be so regarded by some of the opposing party,

1) At seven o'clock. See No. 973.

2) Document No. 973.

and importantly respected in the pieces, since he is most important in himself. And if it came to the ways that one should seek means and measure of unification and concordia, perhaps the adversaries or negotiators would want to undertake these things with beseeching speeches and rebuttals, as in other worldly affairs, by which only a lot of time would pass, so that the main thing is fixed on some certain articles, since one Christian (if negotiated for the same length of time) cannot let up nor give way. Again, the adversaries would like to pay great attention to some articles, since one can well give in and give way without danger to the conscience. For this reason, it would be our humble concern if Your Highness and Princely Grace were to consult with each other for a certain period of time. We would therefore have our submissive concern if Your Highness and Your Royal Highness had deliberated over time and finally decided in which parts Your Highness and Your Royal Highness would adhere to something, and in which parts to give way. and Princely Grace have decided to give way to something, or nothing at all; thus, Ew. chur- und prinstl. and Princely Grace would be summoned to Imperial Majesty for their occasion. Majesty on their occasion, and reported such sum of the whole business to their Majesty humbly and confidentially, with humbly indication of what their souls and consciences are. We believe that this should be almost beneficial and useful for the speedy and otherwise good furtherance of these matters. For Imperial Majesty Majesty would like to take the more certain and easier summary report of these matters, to read, respect and move the handed over articles the more actually with gracious attention, also to give the less place and faith to many burdensome speeches of the opposing party. But whether here again there might be a misgiving, as if it should not be well to give oneself up to the adversary so far in the day and so completely naked, it has nevertheless not the opinion with this high trade, touching the faith. For those who want to be Christian must be really and steadfastly sure of the articles, which have divine unalterable command, and may suffer no trade. Therefore, as the Holy Scriptures report, as in the Proverbs of King Solomon, that God guides and directs the hearts of kings and princes as He guides the rivers of water, etc., and for many reasons it is very important that this trade summa of the imperial majesty be carried out by considerable persons. Majesty by respectable persons, as Your Royal and Princely Grace. We have considered it good that Your Royal and Princely Grace will take care of it. Gn. want to see to it that Your Lordship and Your Imperial Majesty personally request this. Maj. themselves make such a request in person. This we have done, after we have acknowledged ourselves guilty of having asked Your Royal and Princely Grace in these matters, on our part. Majesty in these matters, on our souls and consciences.

Hail, what we consider good to indicate, E. churund princely. We do not know how to behave in our submissive opinion. However, we place all of this in all submissiveness in the high princely mind and concern of Your Highness and Princely Grace. Gn. high princely mind and concern. May the Almighty God bestow His grace and spirit upon Your Highness and Princely Grace. Gn. his grace and spirit to do what his divine will and the honor of his holy name may be. Date Tuesday of the evening of St. Peter and Paul [June 28] Anno Domini 1530.

E. chur- und prinstl. Graceful Servants

970: Luther's answer to the question of whether and to what extent the Elector could subject the Emperor's religious affairs to his judgment.

See above the 956th document.

971 Letter from Elector John to Luther in Coburg. July 15, 1530.

From Cyprian's Supplements to the History of the Augsburg Conf. This is the answer to No. 956.

John etc.

Our greeting before. Venerable, reverend, dear devotee! We have heard your next letter to your gracious comfort and favor, and would be well inclined to report to you the state of our affairs. However, we do not know how to behave in your gracious opinion, that when we handed over our articles, they were still pending with us some other princes, of these matters, of which nothing further has been done, and are therefore waiting for a decision until this hour; but besides that, they are reported as being somewhat mistaken about their part of the matters among themselves, so that we have been delayed for a long time. But what will happen later in this matter and what we will be pleased to answer, that shall remain undisclosed to you.

And herewith, in response to the notice given to us by our personal physician and dear faithful friend, Caspar Lindemann, Doctor, we are sending you copies of the letter of consolation that you once sent us before. All of this we graciously

do not want to behave. Date Augsburg, on Friday after Margaret [July 15], Anno Domini 30sten.

L[eber] G]etreuer]. We request that you give the 1) letter you have in your custody to M. Luther for our sake, and that you do so so that it may be given to him and not to anyone else. This is our opinion. Date. Coburg to Schösser.

972 Causes indicated to the theologians why it would not be advisable to hand over more articles.

In Cölestin, vol. II, p. 21 and in Chyträus, according to the Latin edition, p. 123, according to the German, p. 196. German also in the Oorx". Rsk., vol. II, 182 with the superscription: ^Isluutlioujs suüieium.

First, because the princes have made their confession of the necessary doctrinal articles that are publicly preached to the people in their countries, and do not need to burden them with useless disputations, such as whether women can also eonsecrate? whether everything must be done the way it is done? and the like, which belong more in the school than in the sermons in the church.

2. all the necessary articles are written in the confession that has been handed over. Therefore, all abuses that are contrary to this doctrine are punished at the same time, as everyone can understand the contradiction.

If the hateful articles were now handed over, the adversaries could interpret it to our disadvantage, as if we had previously handed over the apparent articles that were pleasing to everyone, and now the Imperial Majesty sees that we are hiding much and harmful error. Majesty sees that we are hiding much and harmful error, and if Her Imperial Majesty continues, we will be in danger. Majesty continued, more error would be produced.

4. because we should not prevent the started action of these religious matters themselves, it is by no means advisable that the hateful and unnecessary articles, of which one is used to discuss in the schools, are settled at this time, as:

So whether everything has to happen the way it happens?

Whether free will is nothing?

Whether God also does evil?

Whether Christians are all priests?

Whether the pope, by divine right, is the supreme

Bishop is?

1) Walch: "bey verwahrtem".

Whether to allow the indulgence?

Whether every good work is a mortal sin?

Whether a layman could eonsecrate the sacrament?

Whether matrimonial matters alone belong before the bishops?

Whether there are more or less than seven sacraments?

Whether the bishops can wield the secular sword and preside over the churches at the same time?

Whether the pope is a lord of all spiritual goods by divine right?

Whether the divine election is partly due to our merit or not?

Whether the priestly ordination impresses an everlasting characterem?

Whether a woman could eonsecriren?

Whether the auricular confession is necessary for salvation? etc.

973 The protesting estates declare that they do not want to hand over more articles, but leave it at the handed over confession. July 10, 1530.

In Cölestin, vol. II, p. 118; in Chyträus Latin p. 123, German p. 196; from this in Müller's Hist. lib. Ill, vap. 21st, p. 667 and in the Oorx. Uek., vol. II, 184. This letter is addressed to the princes and counts mentioned in no. 968. Also in Förstemann, Urkundenbuch, vol. II, p. 17 from the Margravial Brandenburg Reichstagsacten, p. 135 f. This letter is addressed to the imperial commissars, Count Palatine Friedrich, Count Wolf von Montfort, Count Hoyer von Mansfeld and the Lord von Helfenstein.

I. Highborn Prince, friendly dear uncle, 1) well-born Counts, dear special and faithful! Yesterday at seven o'clock, when E. Lieb and her Roman Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, gave us the order that we wanted to let ourselves be heard. Majesty, our most gracious Lord's, order, that we wanted to be heard whether we would be willing to report and hand over more articles, or whether it would be better with those, so Imperial Majesty, that we would be subjected to next. Majesty's Majesty we had sent to you in writings, we kindly indicate our friendly and favorable opinion together with our fellow relatives: Although it is public that there are many great and grievous abuses in the church, concerning doctrine and the government of the clergy, which have first given cause, not only to ours, but also to many others, to preach and write against them for the instruction of consciences, which have been driven with unrighteous doctrine, to the detriment of their salvation, and have caused no one to be saved.

1) So Förstemann; 6orp. Hek.: "Cousin".

The Holy Gospel has been a source of consolation; however, the Emperor's Majesty, the Holy Spirit, has not been a source of consolation. Majesty. has graciously indicated in her letter that these matters concerning religion are to be dealt with among ourselves in love and kindness, and are to be compared with the truth (which alone is God's pure Word), as is done Christianly and fairly: so in the next writing not all abuses are specified and referred to by name, but a common confession and confession is given, in which all the doctrine is safely set forth, which is preached in our country primarily for the salvation of souls, so that Imperial Majesty may be thoroughly informed that no unchristian doctrine is accepted in our country. Maj. may be thoroughly informed that no unchristian doctrine is accepted here. Thus we have also deemed it necessary to bring forward the abuses in which our and our consciences have been troubled, rather than other abuses concerning the conduct of the clergy, for which they will have to give account to God in their own time, if such abuses are not stopped or led to Christian correction.

(2) Therefore, in order that this matter may be dealt with the more in love and compared with God's Word from the truth, and that one may see and recognize the more clearly the most important parts in which changes have occurred, as well as the causes for which such things have occurred and been tolerated, the broadness, in particular all abuses, has been avoided in our Scriptures.

3. with these articles, so delivered, all uncertain and unjust doctrines and abuses, which are contrary to the same submitted articles, and their causes, have thereby also contested, and therefore consider without necessity to bring in more articles.

4) If, however, the widower uses the same abuses for his opinion and opinion, by virtue of Imperial Majesty, he shall be entitled to the same. Majesty. If, however, the opposing party should arouse the same abuses for its opinion and opinion by virtue of the Imperial Majesty's letter and the presentation that has taken place, or should challenge our confession, or should attempt to advance something new, it is hereby requested to report this further from God's word, as it has also been requested to do at the end of the written confession that has been submitted next.

5 And accordingly to the Roman Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, is our most humble request. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, our most humble request, because we have decreed ourselves most humble obedience to Her Imperial Majesty. Majesty's most humble obedience, and have now been here for a long time at great expense, that Her Imperial Majesty will graciously grant our most gracious request. Her Imperial Majesty may graciously decree and encourage that Her Majesty's request be complied with and lived without further delay, as we also put ourselves off in all submission, and there has been no lack of us, nor, God willing, should there be. This is what we want for the sake of Her Imperial Majesty. Majesty,

Our most gracious lord, we deserve in all submission. Actum Augsburg, on the 10th day of July, 1530.

By the Grace of God, John, Duke of Saxony, and Elector.

George, Margrave of Brandenburg.

Ernst, Duke of Brunswick and Lüneburg.

Philip, Landgrave of Hesse.

Wolfgang, Prince of Anhalt, together with our relatives.

B. What Luther around this time with Melanchthon almost wanted to let sink the courage and other for strange letters exchanged.

974 Luther's letter of consolation to Melanchthon. June 27, 1530.

This letter is found handwritten in the Ooä. len.d., tot. 110 and in Aurifaber, vol. ill, p. 33. According to the Jena manuscript in Buddeus, p. ill; in the Latin collection of letters of Flacius, Magdeburg 1549. 8th; in Cölestin, vol. II, p. 198; in Chyträus, p. 135; in Lauttstug unnal. evanA. rsnovat. u<I ann. 1530. p. 157; in von der Hardts Uist. litterar. rekorwut, pars V. and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 48. German in Spalatin's Annals, p. 217; in Chyträus p. 93 incomplete; in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 425b; in the Jena edition (1566), vol. V, p. 39b; in the Altenburg edition, vol. V, p. 163 and in the Leipzig edition, vol. XX, p. 184. We have translated according to De Wette.

Newly translated from the Latin.

Grace and peace in Christ! In Christ, I say, not in the world, amen. About the excuse for your silence another time, my dear Philip. This messenger appeared by chance and suddenly, and since he wanted to leave, he could hardly wait for these letters which we had received from Wittenberg, which were to be brought [by him] as far as Nuremberg, that they might come to you from there, until we could write more widely by another messenger. 1)

1) Flacius omitted the preceding sentence, and in all German editions it has remained untranslated; probably rightly so. For, in order to be able to translate it, we have conjicirt aä vos venirsnt (so. btterao) instead of aä nos vsnirst. In the manuscript, the latter may appear like this: a<I uos venirst. That our translation is correct can be seen from the letter to Link of the same date, De Wette, vol. IV, p. 50 f.

I hate very much your exceedingly great sorrows, by which, as you write, you are consumed; that they rule so in your heart is not due to the greatness of the matter, but to the greatness of our unbelief. For this same thing was even greater in the days of John Hus and many others than it is with us now. Then, even if it is great, the one who started it is also great, because it is not our cause. Why do you torture yourself like this without ceasing and without stopping? If the thing is false, let us revoke it; but if it is true, why, in such great promises, do we make a liar of him who commands us to have a heart that is confident and undaunted? He says [Ps. 55:23.], "Cast thy concern upon the Lord." The Lord is near to all those who are brokenhearted [Ps. 34:19.] who call upon him. Does he then speak this to the wind, or cast this to the beasts? I am also often broken-hearted, but not always. Your philosophy torments you like this, not theology, just like your Joachim, 2) who seems to me to be gnawed by the same worry. As if you could indeed accomplish anything through this useless worry of yours. "What more can the devil do than to strangle us?" What more? I beseech you, who are valiant in all other things, fight also against yourself, your greatest enemy, since you present so many weapons to Satan against you. Christ died once for sins, but for righteousness and truth he will not die, but lives and reigns. If this is true, what is there to fear for truth when he reigns? But, you will say, it will be struck down by the wrath of God. May we also be struck down at the same time, but not by ourselves. He who has become our father will be the same for our children. I certainly pray diligently for you, and I am sorry that you, as a very persistent worrier, 3) make my prayers so futile. I at least, as far as the matter is concerned (whether it is obtuseness or the spirit, Chri-

2) Camerarius.

3) eururum Iriruäinern - leech of worries, which pursues the worries as the leech pursues the blood. Spalatin: "as a stiff-necked leech".

stus), not very worried, indeed better hope than I had expected. God is mighty to raise the dead, he is also mighty to preserve his cause when it falters, to raise it again when it has fallen, to promote it when it stands. If we will not be worthy of this, let it be done through others. For if we are not raised up by his promises, I pray thee, who are the rest of the people in the whole world to whom they should apply? But more about that another time, I am only carrying water into the sea.

Know that your letters, written before the emperor's arrival and after his arrival, went to Wittenberg yesterday. For even there they have been miserably afflicted by your silence, as you will see from the letters of Pomeranus. It is not the fault of the messenger, as Jonas complains, but thoroughly yours, and yours alone. Christ comfort you all by his Spirit, and strengthen and instruct you, Amen. If I hear that things are going badly with you and that you are in danger, I will hardly refrain from coming there in haste to see the terrible teeth of Satan standing around, as the Scripture says [Job 41:5]. From our desert, on Monday after John [June 27] 1530.

Meanwhile, greetings to all, next we will send other letters. Martin Luther.

975 Philipp Melanchthon's Letter to Luther. June 26, 1530.

This letter is found in Melanchthon's epist., lib. I., x>. 21; in Cölestin, vol. II, p. 196; in Cyprian's Supplements, p. 181 and in the Oorp. kiel., vol. II, 140.

Translated from Latin.

We are here in the greatest misery and must constantly shed tears. Today, the extreme consternation of our minds has been added to, after we had read N. Vitus' letters, in which he indicates that you are so angry with us that you may not even read our letters. Now, my dear father, I do not want to increase my pain with words, but ask you to consider in which place and in how great danger we are.

since we can have no refreshment at all except your comfort. The sophists and monks run to us every day and try to make the emperor hate us. The bishops hate us cruelly out of their own impulse. Those who were on our side before are not there now, and we float in infinite danger, completely abandoned and despised. I therefore ask you to look either to us, who follow your reputation in such important matters, or to the common good, and to read and answer our letters, so that on the one hand you may assist us with good counsel, and on the other hand you may give us strong consolation. We have submitted our defense 1) to the Emperor, which I am sending you herewith to read. According to my insight, it is sharp enough. For you will see that in it I have painted the monks with vivid colors. But now, as I see it, it depends on a resolution before the opponents answer what we want to concede to them on the point of the two forms, of the marriage state, of the private mass; the whole trial will revolve around these things. About that answer, and especially about the private mass, which they will hardly drop. I have sent this messenger at my own expense, and the other day I already sent a special one, but it came back empty. The adversaries are already taking counsel as to what they want to answer. Therefore, everything is still pending. Farewell. Sunday after John "June 26, 1530). Philip.

976 Melanchthon's letter to Camerarms. June 26, 1530.

This letter is found in Melanchthon's epist. all Oara "rariurn, p. 139; in Cyprian's Supplements, p. 180 and in the 6orp. Het., vol. II, 140.

Translated into German.

Yesterday, by the grace of God, our confession was presented to the Emperor and publicly read out, and it is said that the princes were uncompromisingly silent and attentive. I changed and improved much of it every day, and would have changed even more if our councils had allowed it; and there is so much missing that I should think it was written too leniently, that I rather worry that some might take offense at our freedom. For before we

1) This is the Augsburg Confession; it was initially called ^polo^ia - Schutzschrift.

977 Melanchthon's Letter to Luther. June 27, 1530.

In Melanchthon's epi8t., lib. I., x". 9; in Cölestin, vol. II, p. 196; in Chyträus Latin p. 139, and German p. 228; in Cyprians Beilagen, p. 182 and in Oorp. kek., vol. II, 145.

Although we sent our own messenger to you yesterday that we apologized to you for our silence, but because Hornung wanted to travel today, we wrote again that we did not miss any opportunity to send letters to you. I cannot tell you how much we have been saddened by M. Vitus' letter, which tells us how you are so vehemently angry that we have not written often enough. Now at no time have we been more in need of your advice and comfort than now, since we have followed you, as our head, all the way here in the most dangerous matters. Therefore, for the sake of the honor of the Gospel, I ask you to take care of us for the sake of the common good, which seems to suffer very heavy storms when you are not at the helm. Christ allowed himself to be awakened in the little ship that was in trouble. Now we are truly in much greater danger here, in which nothing worse could happen to us as a whole than if you left us. I must not complain about this to D. Brück, lest I deceive him more. Up to now, we have spent a lot of time crying. For this reason, you must not think of us as your, as

1) Aristarchus, a critic from Alexandria; then also in general: a critic.

we would have forgotten Ulysses' companions, out of pleasure, have also often written, which we can truly prove.

Our confession has been handed over to the emperor; we have also sent a copy to you, which you will keep with you so that it does not get out. For the emperor has forbidden to give it out. I have written to you before that you should indicate to me, if it will be necessary, how much we can yield to the adversaries. As you know, the matters have been discussed beforehand, but when it comes to the meeting, it will all turn out differently than was thought of before. I think the biggest dispute will be about the private fair. But I don't know anything for sure yet. Faber, Eck, and even some princes, seek only violence and war. May God disperse the thoughts of the peoples who are eager for war. Hereby God commands and prays for us. Monday after John [June 27, 1530]. Philip.

978 Luther's letter of consolation to Melanchthon. July 31, 1530.

Handwritten in Aurifaber's unprinted collection, vol. Ill, p. 72; printed from it in Schütze, vol. II, p. 158 and De Wette, vol. I V, p. 115. Not quite complete and without date in Cölestin, vol. II, p. 197; in Buddeus, p. 112 and in Walch. We have translated according to De Wette.

Newly translated from the Latin.

M. Philip Melanchthon, the faithful confessor of Christ and true witness, his dearest brother, Martin Luther. 2) Grace and peace in our Lord! I had nothing to write, my dear Philip, only I did not want to let the messenger or rather this load of game go away without letters. However, I think that you have been fighting sharply with the evil spirits this week, and I assume that this is the reason why Weller and the messenger of the shoemaker have not yet returned. I am with you in faith and spirit as much as I can. But I believe that the weak Christ is more with you, as I ask him with sighs and words, which he himself has commanded and given 3) [Matth. 18, 19. f.].

2) This inscription is found after Cölestin and Bud

deus in Walch, but missing in De Wette.

3) In Latin: "zuidus i^86 fussit st äoäit. Instead of yuidus we have assumed.

28,20.]. May the Lord grant that you stand firm on the matter (in statu causae) and do not engage in mutual accusations, for I believe that the adversaries will come out of this by not trusting their cause properly. But what will be the end if you begin to cover up the abominations of the pope against God and the worldly regime? But by God's grace, you will know how to avoid this better.

You should not be concerned about my health. It is indeed shaky, but because I realize that it is not a natural illness, I bear it all the more steadfastly and despise the blows of the fist that Satan's angel wields against my flesh. If I cannot read and write, I can still think and pray, and even so fight against him vigorously, then sleep, be idle, play and sing. Only, my dear Philip, see to it that you do not toil so much in this matter, which is not in your hand, but in the hand of him who is greater than he who is in the world, and out of whose hand no one will snatch it. Let us not let him say in vain [Ps. 127:2], "To his friends he giveth asleep," and [Ps. 55:23], "Cast thy cause upon the Lord," who quickeneth the dead, and is a Comforter of the humble, and a Physician of the brokenhearted, the God of all comfort, into whose bosom and arms I commend you all, as he himself hath called you and received you unto the confession of his glory. Greet all and every one in the Lord. From the castle which is full of devils, but in which Christ reigns in the midst of his enemies, on the last day of July, Anno 1530.

Your Martin Luther.

979 Philipp Melanchthon's Letter to Luther. June 27, 1530.

In Cölestin, vol. II, p. 197 and in 6orx. Hei, vol. II, 144.

Translated into German.

Our Confession was handed over last Saturday. Now the adversaries are discussing what they want to do in response: run together, work with united forces, and stir up the princes, who have already had enough

are against us. Eck is making every effort with the Archbishop of Mainz not to investigate the matter because it is already condemned. Our party is very weak; the number of those who are against us, on the other hand, is incomparably greater. The Archbishop of Mainz, the Bishop of Augsburg and the Duke of Brunswick are in our favor, although they do not fight bravely enough. Of the dukes of Bavaria, it was said that they had become more lenient after their confession; nevertheless, they do not stand up to Duke 1) George and Margrave Joachim. These are the fiercest leaders of the other party.

The emperor has written to Erasmus and summoned him to the Diet. I cannot see what good we can expect from the bitter hatred of our enemies. In the face of so much ignorance on the part of the mob, to whose wrong judgment we are subjected, we must take refuge in God alone and expect help from him; only ask him for us, that he may guide our cause and give us peace. There has been a terrible thunderstorm in Altenburg for three days: lightning has struck two towers, the castle tower and the church tower, whereupon a great flood has occurred. I was very frightened by this. King Ferdinand has regained the city of Ofen in Hungary, which in my opinion will be a new cause for the Turkish war. For the Turks will now be forced to reinstate their ally, to whom they gave the royal title. From Augsburg, June 27, 1530.

980 Luther's letter of consolation to Melanchthon. June 29, 1530.

Handwritten in 6oO. 61088., 6oä. Ion. d., col. 117 and in Aurifaber, vol. Ill, p. 28. Printed in the Latin collection of letters of Flacius; in Cölestin, vol.ll, p. 198; in Buddeus, p. 113; in Chyträus Latin p. 139, in the German edition, p. 129; in Cyprians Beilagen, p. 183 and in De Wette, vol. I V p. 51. German in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 426; in the Jenaer (1566), vol. V, p. 40; in the Altenburger, vol. V, p. 164; in the Leipziger, vol. XX, p. 185; and (incomplete, with the wrong date "July 9") in the Erlanger edition, vol. 54, p. 175. Only in Aurifaber, Chyträus, Walch, and De Wette is the postscript found.

Newly translated from the Latin.

1) "Duke" put by us instead of "Margrave". Because Margrave George is a fellow confessor of the Augsburg Confession.

902 Erl. 54, 175-177. cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. LVI, 10S9-I072. 903

Grace and peace in Christ! I have read, my dear Philip, your oratorical writing, which washes clean because of your silence. But in the meantime I have twice written letters to you, in which I have sufficiently explained the reason for my silence (at least in the last one, which is brought by the messenger who was sent to the prince by our castle). Today, your last letters have been delivered to me, in which you remind me of your labors, dangers and tears in such a way that I seem to be unfairly inflicting suffering upon suffering on you by my silence, as if I did not know this, or if I were sitting here among roses and shared nothing of the sorrows with you. And yet God would have my affairs be such that they would allow tears to flow. Yes, even I, if those earlier letters about the Emperor's arrival had not come here in the evening, had decided to send a messenger to you the next day at my own expense, so that I could find out whether you were alive or dead. Magister Veit will testify to this, and yet I believe that all your letters have been delivered to us. For the letters that finally came late about the emperor's arrival and entry came almost at the same time. But it may have been the ate or some Satan, "and have him what he shall have".

I have received your confession (Apologiam), and wonder what you might want, since you ask what and how much should be conceded to the papists. With regard to the prince, this is a different question, what he could concede if danger threatened him. For my person, more than enough has been conceded in this confession; if they reject it, I see nothing more that I can concede, unless I see their reasons and clearer scriptural passages than I have seen so far. I occupy myself with this matter day and night: I consider it, ponder it, discuss it, and search the whole of Scripture, and the complete certainty of faith (πληροφορία) in this doctrine of ours continues to grow in me, and I become more and more fortified, "that now (whether God wills it) I will let nothing be taken from me, be it over it, as it may."

I had written to the younger prince.

as you wish, but I tore up the letter again, because I was afraid that I would make this! I am quite well here, for that spirit seems to be subsiding (namely, broken by the brothers and the people). I am quite comfortable here, because that spirit seems to have subsided (broken by the brothers and your prayers), which until now has beaten me with fists, although I suspect that instead of him another one has followed, who wants to weaken my body. But I would rather suffer this tormentor of the flesh than that tormentor of the spirit. And I hope that he who overcame the father of lies in me will also overcome the murderer. "He has sworn death to me, I feel it well, he has no rest, he has eaten me. Well, if he eats me, he shall eat a purgation (whether God wills it), which shall make his belly and ars tight. What is the point? He who wants to have Christ must suffer." It would be easy for us to rule, too, if we wanted to deny and revile Him [Christ]. It is said [Apost. 14, 22.), "[We must] go through many tribulations [into the kingdom of God]." 1) "Now these things are no longer words, but have come to pass, and we may follow them." But he is the one who works the end of the tribulation for the believers [1 Cor. 10:13.).

In your letter 2) I dislike that you write that you followed my reputation in this matter. I do not want to be an author in this matter or be called so, although this could be interpreted correctly, but I do not want this word [autoritas]. If it is not at the same time and equally your matter, I do not want it to be said that it is mine and laid upon you. I will conduct it myself, if it is mine alone.

I comforted you in the last letter, but God grant that he may not be a killing, but a life-giving one. What more can I do? You are tormented by the end and the outcome of the matter, because you cannot grasp it with your hands. But if you could grasp it, I would not want to be a part of this thing, much less the original one.

1) The bracketed is set by us instead of "ste."

2) No. 975, to which this letter is the reply.

Be lifter. God has put this matter into a certain general doctrine (locum quendam communem), which you do not have in your rhetoric, nor in your philosophy: this is called faith. In this doctrine lies all that is not seen, and is not before the eyes [Heb. 11:1, 3]; if anyone undertakes to make this visible, apparent, and comprehensible, as you do, let him bear sorrows and tears as the reward of his labor, as you bear them away, while we all oppose it in vain. "The Lord hath said that he will dwell in darkness" [1 Kings 8:12], and "he hath made darkness his tent" [2 Sam. 22:12, Vulg.]. "Whosoever will, let him do otherwise." If Moses had determined to grasp the end, how he might yet escape Pharaoh's army, Israel might be in Egypt to this day. May the Lord grant you and all of us faith. If you have faith, what can Satan and the whole world do? If we do not have faith, why do we not at least comfort ourselves with the faith of others? For there are necessarily others who believe in our place, unless there is no longer a church in the world and Christ has ceased to be with us before the end of the world. For if he is not with us, I pray thee, where is he in the whole race? If we are not the church or at least a part of the church, where is the church? Or are the dukes of Bavaria, Ferdinand, the pope, the Turk and the like of you the church? If we do not have the Word of God, who are the people who have it? Therefore, if God is for us, who can be against us? We are sinners and ungrateful, but for that reason He will not become a liar. Yet we cannot be sinners in this holy and divine thing, though we are wicked in ways far from it. But you do not hear this, so despondent and weak Satan makes you. May Christ heal you, I pray earnestly and without ceasing, amen. Greetings to all, for I also cannot write anew to all. I wish that I may be given the opportunity to come to you, although I have great desire to come even without orders and calling. The grace

Postscript.

After closing the letter, it occurred to me that perhaps it seems to you that I have answered too little to your question 1) how much and how far one can yield to the adversaries; but you have also asked too little, you have not indicated what and what kind you think will be demanded of us. I am ready, as I have always written, to concede everything to them, if only the gospel alone is left free to us. But what disputes with the gospel I cannot admit. What can I answer differently?

981 Luther's letter to Melanchthon. June 30, 1530.

This letter is found in a simultaneous copy in the Weimar archives; in the Ooä. 3on. 0., toi. Ill and in Aurifaber, vol. Ill, p. 35. Printed in Buddeus, p. 116; in the Latin collection of letters of Flacius; in Seckendorf's Hi8t. Imtü., lib. II, p. 1810; in des Scultetus annal. evanA. renovat. aä an". 1530. p. 157 according to von der Hardt's Nist. litt, retorin, Theil V; in Chyträus according to the Latin edition p. 136, according to the German p. 225 and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 62. German in Spalatin's Annalen, p. 213 and in Frick's Seckendorf, p. 1091. In the collective editions: in the Wittenberg (1569), vol. IX, p. 4270; in the Jenaer (1566), vol. V, p. 42; in the Altenburger, vol. V, p. 166 and in the Leipziger, vol. XX, p. 187. We have translated according to De Wette, who compared the manuscripts.

Newly translated from the Latin.

Grace and peace in Christ l What I should write to you in particular, my dear Philip, I do not know at all, because I am troubled by thoughts about your extremely evil and completely trivial concerns, since I know that I am telling a story to a deaf person. This is because you believe yourself alone, but do not believe me and others, to your great misfortune. I will confess the truth: I have been in greater anguish than I hope you will ever be, and I do not wish any man, not even you, to be in anguish.

1) In Letter No. 975.

those who are now raging against us, however wicked and worthless they may be, to become like me. And yet I have often been raised up in these troubles by the word of a brother, sometimes of Pomeranus, sometimes by your word, sometimes by that of Jonas and others. Why then, again, do you not also hear us, who certainly speak nothing according to the flesh or the world, but according to God without doubt through the Holy Spirit? Even though we may be small, dear one, do not let him be small who speaks through us. "If it is a lie that God gave His Son for us, let the devil be a man or one of his creatures instead of me. But if it be true, what shall we do with our grievous fears, and anxieties, and sorrows, and mourning 2c?" As if he would not assist us in lesser things, who gave his Son, or as if Satan were mightier than he.

In private battles I am weaker, but you are stronger; on the other hand, in public ones you are as I am in private ones, and I in public ones as you are in private ones (if otherwise what goes on between me and Satan can be called private). For thou despisest thy life, and fearest for the common cause; but I, as for the common cause, am of a very great and unconcerned mind, knowing assuredly that it is just and true, yea, even the cause of Christ and God Himself, which paleth not as one that would be guilty of sin, as I a single bad saint (privatus sanctuIus) paleth and trembleth. Therefore 1) I am almost a safe spectator and respect the threatening and raging papists for nothing (non hujus == not so much). If we fall, Christ will fall at the same time, namely the great ruler of the whole world. And, if he should fall, I would rather fall with Christ than stand with the emperor.

And also you do not have this thing on you alone. Surely I am faithfully with you with sighs and prayers, if God would that I could also be according to the flesh. For it is also my cause, and even more mine than yours. It is also not out of

1) Instead of turn at De Wette is to be read sense.

I ask you, for Christ's sake, not to set aside those divine promises and consolations, as it is said [Psalm 55:13]: "We will not leave aside those divine promises and consolations. Therefore I ask you for Christ's sake not to set aside those divine promises and consolations, as it is said [Ps. 55:23]: "Cast your concern upon the Lord." [Ps. 27, 14.:] "Harp on the Lord, be confident and undaunted," and such [promises and consolations] is the book of Psalms and the Gospel 2) full [Joh. 16, 33.): "Be confident, I have overcome the world." "It will not be false, I truly know" that Christ is the overcomer of the world. Why then do we fear the overcoming world as if it were the victor? "Let one bring such a saying on his knees from Rome and Jerusalem!" But because they abound, are in constant use, and are well known to us, they are held in low esteem among us. "But this is not good." I know this is weakness of faith, but let us pray with the apostles [Luc. 17:5.), "Strengthen us, O Lord, in faith."

God will also repay the Salzburg tyrant according to his works, who has martyred you so. 3) But he would have deserved a different answer from you, such as I might have given him. "Well, let them do it, they have not yet made it up." They are anxious (I fear) to hear the word of Julius Caesar: That's what they wanted!

But I write this in vain, because you continue, according to your philosophy, to govern these things by reason, that is, you continue, as he says, to be senseless with reason, and kill yourself, and do not at all see that the matter is out of your hand and counsel, even without your care. And Christ would prevent it from coming into your hand or counsel, which you so stubbornly wanted: then we would truly be ruined and suddenly perish. But "it is said": Do not seek things that are too high for you [Ps. 131, 1. Rom. 12,16.], and [Proverbs 25, 27. Vulg.): "An exhor-

I^vanMlion manuscript.

3) Compare No. 965.

scher of majesty will be pressed to the ground by glory," or, as the Hebrew text has it, "He who inquires into heavy things." This is on you. May the Lord Jesus keep you, so that your faith does not fall away, but increases and overcomes, amen. I pray for you, I have prayed and I will pray, and I have no doubt that I will be heard, for I feel the Amen in my heart. If what we want will not happen, something better will happen. For we wait for a future kingdom, when all things in the world shall have failed us. Last June 1530.

Your Martin Luther.

982 Luther's Letter to Spalatin. June 30, 1530.

This letter is found in Cölestin, Vol. II, p. 200; in Flacius' Latin collection of letters (the second half); in Chyträus' Latin edition, p. 142, in the German edition, p. 233; in LuüüouK, p. 120 and in De Wette, Vol. I V, p. 59. German in Chyträus' Beilagen zur Hist. der Augsb. Couf. p. 174 according to Spalatin's translation. In the collective editions: in the Wittenberg (1569), vol. IX, p. 428 b; in the Jena (1566), vol. V, p. 43; in the Altenburg, vol. V, p. 167 and in the Leipzig, vol. XX, p. 194. Incomplete in all editions with the exception of Cölestin's, Walch's and De Wette's. According to the latter we have translated, which Ooä. Ion. a, col. 222 and b, toi. 136, together with a copy which Pastor Nopitsch possesses.

Newly translated from the Latin.

To Georg Spalatin, his brother in Christ.

Grace and peace in the Lord! You say, my dear Spalatin, that I will not suffer to be called a slacker in writing; but you will also have to suffer it against your will. For from the messenger of Doctor Jonas, through whom you vowed to write abundantly both to us and to the Wittenbergers, through the messenger of Doctor Apel, so that we expected forests of letters, and feared that you would become more noisy than our jackdaws [, we have received no letter]. 1) When this messenger of Apel 2) came, and

1) The preceding sentence is unfinished and will probably have to be completed in this way.

2) That Apel's messenger came without letters, Luther already complains about in his letter of June 5 to Melanchthon; likewise with regard to the Wildprets' carter.

alone brought Jonah's letters to Wittenberg, he was asked, "Don't you bring letters?" He replied, "No." "How are the gentlemen?" He answered, "Well." About this one thing I immediately brought a complaint against Philip. Afterwards a messenger on horseback came, who had been sent to Torgau, who brought me a letter 3) from the prince himself, and was asked: "Do you bring letters?" He replied, "No." "How are the gentlemen?" He answered, "Well." Then, as a wagon of venison departed from here, I wrote again to Philip; who returned equally empty. Here I began to have sad thoughts and suspected that you were trying to hide something bad from me. Fourth, Jobst Nymphen came. To the question, "Do you bring letters?" he answered, "No." "How are the gentlemen?" He replied, "Well." I pass over how often here our Schösser received letters from his brother, the Marshal of Falkenstein, while we meanwhile thirsted and starved for more than three weeks through your kind silence; from whose letters we had to obtain intelligence if we wanted to learn anything. Therefore I ask whether you would not say that I would be an underachiever if such had happened to you from me? I confess that I was moved by anger and fear, knowing Philip's sorrows and the prince's plagues. But I was relieved of fear when I heard that you were well, but I could not quite believe it. But enough of this, only may you not continue to dispute or think about disputing. Farewell. 1530.

That there the kings, princes and the people rage and rage against the anointed of the Lord, I consider a happy omen, and much better than if they flattered. For it follows [in the 2nd Psalm, v. 4.], "He that dwelleth in heaven laugheth at them." But since this our Prince laughs, I do not see why we should weep before them. For he does not laugh on his behalf but on ours, so that we too may confidently laugh at their vain counsels. Only faith is necessary, so that the cause of faith is not without faith. But

3) Perhaps No. 946.

The one who started this work certainly started it without our counsel and authority. He has also protected and ruled over and without our council and nobility until now. He is also the one who will complete it and lead it out without and above our council and authority, I have no doubt about that. I know and am sure whom I have believed, for he is mighty to do what we ask and understand, though Philip thinks and desires that he should do it under and according to his counsel, so that he may boast: Surely, so it must be done, so I would have done it. "No, it MUST not be called": so I, Philip. "The 'I' is too small. It is called": So I; I will be who I will be. This is his name: "Who I will be." "It is not seen who he is, but he will be, so we shall see." Let that be enough of words. Be strong in the Lord and continue to admonish Philip in my name, so that he does not become God, but fight against the innate desire for divinity that was implanted in us by the devil in paradise, because it is not good for us. It pushed Adam out of paradise, and this alone troubles us and deprives us of peace. "We are to be men, and not God. That is the summa; it will not be otherwise, or eternal unrest and heartache will be our reward." Farewell in Christ. Last June 1530.

Your Martin Luther.

983 Luther's Letter to John Brenz. June 30, 1530.

Handwritten in 6o6. Cstoss.; in 6o6. len. d, lol. 138 and in Aurifaber, vol. Ill, p. 40. Printed in Cölestin, vol. II, p. 201; in Buddeus, p. 123 ans dem Jenaer Manuscript; in des Flacius lateinischer Briefsammlung; from the collection of Caspar Sagittarius in Schütze, vol. Ill, p. 167 and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 55. German in the Wittenberg (1569), vol. IX, p. 427; in the Jena (1566), vol. V, p. 41; in the Altenburg, vol. V, p. 167; in the Leipzig, vol. XX, p. 194 and in the Erlangen edition, vol. 54, p. 172 with the wrong date, July 9, 1530. We have translated according to De Wette.

Grace and peace in Christ! From your letter and that of Philip and the others

I recognize, my dear Brenz, that you are also plagued by sorrow in that assembly of idols. But to this you are moved by the example of Philip. For he is indeed in a godly way concerned about the public peace and the descendants 1) but he does not zeal wisely. As if our forefathers, by their care and sorrow, had brought about that we are what we are, and not God's wisdom alone, who will also be God and Creator after us, as he was before us, and is with us today. For He will not die with us or cease to be God, who also governs thoughts. It seemed to the priest Eli that the kingdom of Israel had completely fallen away after the ark of the covenant was taken by the Philistines, and so he rather fell away himself, but the kingdom of Israel then began to flourish the most [1 Sam. 4]. And when Saul was slain, what could a man think but that the kingdom of Israel was ended? [And when the papists had burned John Hus at Costnitz, nothing was more certain than that the pope would be God, while he had never before been so despised as from that time. This I write to you and to the others, so that by the word of Gregorius Brück or anyone else among you Philip may cease to be the ruler of the world, that is, to torture himself. I at least, if I will be dead or killed by the papists, will bravely defend our descendants and take revenge on these cruel beasts righteously and more than I wanted. For I know that there will be one who will say, "Where is your brother Abel?" [Gen. 4:9.] and he shall make them inactive and fugitive on earth. And what need of many words? Let the emperor, after all, have a dominion shared with God. If there will be no [avenger], we may eradicate the first commandment with the whole gospel. For what is it necessary to have a God only for this life, which is best for those who have no God? But if there is a God, then we shall not have

1) We have assumed, what almost all given codices offer, postöritatk, which, it seems to us, is required by the following, against trunHuiUituds at De Wette.

live here alone, but we will live where he himself lives. If this is true, what, I pray thee, are these angry threats of idols after all, which are now almost not merely dying, but utterly dead? He who created me will be the father of my son, and the husband of my wife, and the ruler of the commonwealth, and the preacher in my parish, and better than I myself am. Yes, he himself will rule better 1) when I am dead than when I am alive, because I hinder him by my life. For it is written [Ps. 112:2.), "His seed shall be mighty in the earth." And indeed, the first commandment has also placed uufere descendants in God's protection, since it says s2 Mos. 20, 6.): "I do mercy to many thousands who love me." I believe these words; even though faith is weak, I still believe. But what am I saying to you, who are greater than I in all things by the gift of God? Only that I have tried in many ways to see if Philip, who believes that I am a man and that my words are the words of men, and so is less moved by them, can at least be moved by you, whom he must believe to be men of God. For I do not believe that he is so wrong-headed that if God Himself, through an angel sent from heaven, commanded him to be of good cheer, he would despise this command: how much less must he despise us if we all admonish him to do so. And if we are worthy of contempt, yet we must not despise the Psalms, the Apostles, Christ himself, who shower us with so many sermons, with consolations, with teachings, with admonitions, "Be of good cheer, fear not, hope, be ye manly, and be ye strong." If we do not believe these, we would not believe even if all the angels came. This I have written to you, my dear Brenz, in many words. Be well in Christ and pray for me.

I have made many words (verdo8atu8 8uin that I say so) about the 118th Psalm, and have called it "the beautiful Confitemini"?)

1) We have assumed with Schütze and all German editions what is missing from De Wette.

2) St. Louis edition, vol. V, 1174-1251.

now it is to Wittenberg under the press. I have used up fifteen sheets of paper with this great quantity of words. I have touched on several lies about Purgatory 3) against the papists, in that I am, as it were, again beginning a new battle against them. 4) The grace of God be with you. On the last of June, Anno 1530, your Martin Luther.

984 Luther's letter to Melanchthon. July 3, 1530.

This letter is found in Cölestin, Vol. II, p. 204; in Buddeus, p. 27 and in De Wette, Vol. I V, p. 67. We have translated according to De Wette.

Newly translated from the Latin.

Grace and peace in Christ! This man, Franciscus, who is sent to us from Breslau by Doctor Hess, I recommend to you, my dearest Philip. He desires nothing but to see you and talk with you. With me he could not be admitted.

Yesterday I read through your confession very carefully, and I like it very much. But it errs and lacks in one thing, that it goes against Scripture, since Christ says of Himself [Luc. 19:14], "We do not want this one to rule over us," and it violates the sentence [Ps. 118:22], "The stone which the ball-men rejected." With such great blindness and obstinacy, what else can you expect but that he will be rejected? For they will not grant us the name of "builders," which they arrogate to themselves, and rightly so, 5) but we must be glorified with the name of those who destroy, scatter, and stir up trouble, that we may be reckoned among the workers of iniquity, since the stone itself was reckoned among the murderers and condemned. Therefore we have no hope of salvation but in the Lord alone; he must work miracles, and he will not leave this stone, because it follows: "He has become the cornerstone." But this was done by the Lord, not by us, therefore it is a miracle.

3) "A Recantation from Purgatory," St. Louis Edition, Vol. X VIII, 874.

4) The preceding in this paragraph is missing in all German editions.

5) "rightly" because they are the ones who reject the stone.

before our eyes. But more about this elsewhere. 1) May Christ strengthen you together with us, and comfort you with His Spirit, and do with us according to all His wonders, amen. Greet all of ours respectfully. From the desert, July 3, 1530, your Martin Luther.

985 Luther's letter to Melanchthon. July 5, 1530.

This letter is found in Cölestin, vol. II, p. 206; in Buddeus, p. 128 and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 68. We have translated according to De Wette.

Newly translated from the Latin.

Grace and peace in Christ! There was nothing I could write, my dear Philip, for I have written four times, and believe that the letters have reached you by and by, but I did not want to let this messenger go away empty. But all that I wanted, you have read in the last letters. I am expecting my psalm, the Confitemini, from Wittenberg. Now I am going with a sermon that exhorts to the schools, or rather that one should keep the children to school ;-). I wonder if I was as verbose before as I seem to be becoming now; unless this verbosity comes from age, as Cicero admits. Otherwise, thank God, we are quite well, and have good hope, not because of your Diet or your counsels, but because of Christ's power and presence, to use Peter's word. They write from Wittenberg that they are praying so diligently in the churches there that I am convinced that something good will be accomplished at this Diet. Greetings to Jonas, Agricola, Spalatin, Brück, the physician Caspar and all of our people. Yours, Martin Luther, July 5, 1530.

986 Luther's letter to Conrad Cordatus. July 6, 1530.

This letter is found in Cölestin, vol. II, p. 207; in Buddeus, p. 141 and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 70.

Newly translated from the Latin.

1) Namely in the Confitemini, St. Louis edition, vol. V, 1238 ff.

2) Walch, St. Louis Edition, vol. X, 416.

Grace and peace in Christ! Here you have, dearest Cordatus, one living, and one not more living! Letter, that is, the Hornung (Februaryium) itself, and my letter to the bishop [Hausmann], from which you can learn everything that I now know about this Reichstag. Therefore, I have nothing more to write to you. Jonas writes that he was among the audience when the Confession of Ours was read out by Doctor Christian for two whole hours, and he saw the expressions of everyone, about which he promised me an oral account. I have a copy of this confession here, but must keep it by order. It was certainly made by the adversaries and extraordinary efforts were made so that the emperor should not allow it and not hear it; however, it could not be read out publicly before the empire as a whole, that is where they took it. Then it was handed over by order of the emperor and read out before the whole empire, that is, before the princes and estates of the empire. I am extraordinarily happy that I have lived until this hour, in which Christ was publicly preached by his so great confessors in such a large assembly through this really exceedingly beautiful confession. And the word [Ps. 119:46. Vulg.] shall be fulfilled, "I spake of thy testimonies before kings"; it shall also be fulfilled, "I was not put to shame." For [Matt. 10:32.], "Whosoever shall confess me before men (so saith he that speaketh no lies), him will I confess before my heavenly Father."

About the other things (I think) you will have learned everything from others. For the splendor of the imperial entry has gone out in print. I am compelled to see and to grasp with my hands that God is in truth called in the 65th Psalm [v. 3] a hearer of prayers; this name is rightly and justly attached to Him throughout the world. Therefore, continue to pray and to incite everyone to prayer, especially for the very good emperor, the young man who is worthy of the love of God and men; then for our no less good prince,

3) De Wette: "?8n1. 82." Cölestin: "I>8. 62."

and who carries more cross, and for Philip, who miserably toils with sorrows. If I am called, I will also call you, do not doubt it. The Lord be with you, amen. From the desert, July 6, 1530.

Your Martin Luther.

987. D. Martin Luther's letter to Cardinal Albrecht, Elector of Mainz, that he wants to advise peace, together with an interpretation of the second psalm. July 6, 153Ü.

This letter first appeared in a single edition at Nuremberg (then also at Wittenberg) in 1530 and again in 1546 in quarto under the title: "Ein Brief an den Cardinal Erzbischof zu Menz mit dem andern Psalm. 1530." Then in the German collective editions: in the Wittenberg (1569), vol. IX, p. 434d; in the Jena (1566), vol. V, p. 72d; in the Altenburg, vol. V, p. 198; in the Leipzig, vol. XX, p. 142; in the Erlanger, vol. 54, p. 159 and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 72. Translated into Latin in Cölestin, vol. II, p. 211 and in Buddeus, p. 129. That the first edition was published at Nuremberg and not, as Walch states, at Wittenberg, we see from documents no. 989 and 990 in this volume, D. Johann Rühel delivered? this letter to the Cardinal; delayed in printing, it reached Augsburg only on July 22.

To the most reverend in God Father, most illustrious, highborn Prince and Lord, Lord Albert, Tit. St. Chrysogen's Cardinal Priest, Archbishop of Mainz and Magdeburg, Primate in Germania, and Administrator of Halberstadt etc., Margrave of Brandenburg etc., my most gracious Lord.

1. grace and peace in Christ our Lord. Most Reverend, Most Serene, Most Reverend Prince, Most Gracious Lord! I would have preferred to write this letter to E. C. F. G. secretly and in my own handwriting; in this way, I was worried that it might come out crazy, and then be interpreted to me in some other way, and perhaps lead E. C. F. G. himself into suspicion. That is why I want to make it public by printing it, so that the poisonous, suspicious interpreters can avoid the causes of their interpretation. I humbly request that E. C. F. G. graciously grant me such a letter.

2. because E. C. F. G. is the most distinguished and highest prelate in German lands, the

Since I might be able to do more in these matters than anyone else, I have let my thoughts be able to petition E. C. F. G. in particular with this writing, so that I may do what is mine in abundance everywhere, and keep my conscience against God and the world, if perhaps a misfortune and God's wrath would follow (as I truly fear evil), I am hereby excused, as I have sought and offered to help peace in all ways.

3 E. C. F. G. have heard the confession and doctrine of ours, without doubt, together with all others; and I am quite comforted that she has come forward in such a way that she may say with a happy mouth 1) with Christ her Lord [John 18:23]: "If I have spoken evil, prove that it is wrong; but if I have spoken right, why do you strike me?" She shuneth not the light, and knoweth to sing from Ps. 119:46: "I speak of thy testimonies before kings, and stand not in shame." For he that doeth the truth cometh to the light, that his works may be made manifest: for they are done in God.

(4) On the other hand, I can be sure that our opponents will not accept such a teaching, much less dare to dispense with it; nor do I have any hope that we will become one with the teaching, for they cannot stand the light so well, and are so embittered and inflamed by it that they would rather lead us into the eternal fires of hell, if it were open to them right there, before they give way to us and abandon their wisdom. We have to let this go and happen, we are innocent of their blood.

5 But I have the thoughts, which is why I am also writing to E. C. F. G.. because our opponents cannot blame our doctrine, and with this confession we clearly testify and prove that we have not taught wrongly nor falsely, and therefore have not deserved that we should be so shamefully condemned, so horribly persecuted, as we have been and still are, if so much could be gained that our opponents would keep their peace, and not so blaspheme and kill the innocent, for the sake of this blameless doctrine, which they themselves have taught.

1) The old editions: "thar"; De Wette: "dar".

We must praise them, least of all by stifling them, and they have nothing to say against it; for that they do not want to be taught by us, nor accept our teaching, we must let happen; we do not force anyone, not even to the truth, as they force to the lie.

6 Here I ask most humbly, because there is no hope that we (as has been said) will become one in the doctrine, that E. C. F. G. together with others will work to keep that part at peace, and believe what it may, and let us also believe this truth, which is now known before their eyes, and is invented unimpeachably. It is well known that no one should nor can be forced to believe, nor is it within the power of either the emperor or the pope; for even God himself, who is above all power, has never wanted to force a man to believe by force; how dare his wretched, poor creatures force not only to believe, but also to believe what they themselves must consider false lies?

(7) But if such peace is not to be obtained, then we have the advantage with God, and the disgrace with all the world, that we have freely confessed our doctrine publicly, have sought peace and offered it, and yet have not obtained it, since we have not been found guilty in doctrine, nor have we been found guilty of crime. What God and our descendants will say about this will be known, and we must take comfort from the example of the dear apostles, since the chief priests and princes of the people of Israel (as Lucas says Apost. 4, 14. 21.) could not raise anything against the apostles' deed and word, nor did they have anything to say against it; nor did they keep peace, but because they did not accept the truth, so that they would be convinced and overcome, they also pushed and persecuted the apostles.

8 Yes, how did they fare in the end? Where are they now? Where is Jerusalem? Gamaliel stood up among them and gave them such advice that they should keep peace and let the apostles do it, if they did not want to accept it, but it did not help. If God wanted, E. C. F. G. could, or whoever it would be, now also be a Gamaliel, who suggested such a counsel of peace to the others,

and asked them if perhaps God would grant them mercy, so that they would desist from their raving and not fight so stubbornly against their conscience and against God. It is the best advice one can have in this matter, and Lucas did not want to write such examples so diligently for nothing. It is certainly a sin against the Holy Spirit to dispute the truth we have recognized. And indeed, we would have sin enough otherwise, if we were not allowed to burden ourselves with the sin in the Holy Spirit as well.

(9) But they do not hear and respect this; they want to go where the Jews have gone. But even if some might be saved, if they would not go with them, but would accept and follow the faithful counsel of Gamalieli, C.C.F.G. would do no small service here. Dear God, such teaching does not harm you; it keeps peace and teaches peace, lets you remain what you are, also teaches that everything should be left to you and nothing should be taken from you; that alone should sufficiently move you to peace, although otherwise the truth itself would not do so. Yes, she truly helps to preserve you all, and has done so up to now. Let her then sing: qui retribuebant mihi mala pro bonis, adversantur mihi, it is not good, and not good for you all, that she must sing it about you clergymen and complain about you.

(10) But if neither peace nor unity will follow, if neither Gamalieli's counsel nor the apostles' and the Jews' examples will help, let that depart which will not remain, and be angry with him who will not leave it; he will find wrath and strife enough left for him to wrestle after. In the meantime, let us sing with our dear apostles and disciples (I know they will not refuse us).

[The 2nd Psalm, briefly explained and interpreted by D. Martin Luther.] 1)

Vv. 1-3: Why do the nations rage, and the peoples make vain declarations? The kings of the earth rebel, and the princes counsel with one another against the Lord and his anointed, saying: Let us break their bands, and cast away their cords from us.

1) This heading is found in the Wittenberg edition and in the Jena edition.

How kings and princes now rage against the Lord and his known truth, and want to break his bands, to be uncaptured and unlearned by him, you all see for yourselves; but that such raging is in vain is not to be seen now, but in time, for it follows hereafter:

V. 4, 5: He who dwells in heaven mocks them, and the Lord ridicules them. Then he will speak to them in his wrath, and will terrify them in his anger.

Such things are not seen or believed, but they will feel them, and they shall. So it will be seen how futile their raging has been, how finely they have broken the bonds of the Lord and suppressed his word. But to us, who believe these things and know that they must come to pass, it is comforting and sweet. For when kings and princes have long raged, and have poured out, and have torn, and have cast down, they shall cause our king to sit down, as follows:

V. 6, 7: But I have set my king upon my holy mountain Sion. I will preach of the sentence, the Lord hath said unto me, Thou art my Son, this day have I begotten thee.

Let the kings rage here, let the pope rage, let the princes tear, let the heathen throw, the king sits there and is the son at home. Dear angry nobles, let him sit a while longer! If you do not want to leave us peace, then I ask for God's sake, let this king sit, and do not tear him down as soon as you think. Or, if he must come down, my dear, send him a letter of feud first, so that he may know your cruel anger and wrath; perhaps he will arm himself with rubble and bulwarks so that he will remain before you, at least until this imperial diet is over, or your anger and disfavor subside.

This king of ours also wants to be a priest, preaching a new sentence, namely, that he is the Son of God, and this should be believed. But if I were the kings and princes, we would forbid him to preach, lest he put us out of our guns 1) and with his

1) "Tie rifle" [Gewähr] == the legal possession. (Dietz.)

He destroyed our own doctrine and old custom in one sentence. To him, quickly! Let him be silent, as a heretic. But otherwise see to it that you do not offend a priest, and the Si suadente give you the thunder and lightning; for there is a great bishop who has consecrated him and commanded him to preach, who is called the Lord, and has given him a format, which is called Noli me tangere, and reads thus:

V. 8, 9: Cry out from me, and I will give you the nations for your inheritance, and the end of the world for your possession. You shall smite them with the scepter of iron; you shall break them as pots.

Who has ever heard a greater lie in his life? The heathen are the inheritance of the angry kings, and the world is the property of the fierce princes; it is evident that they do with it as they please, as with their own. All their thoughts and proposals, especially against this king and priest, are as if they had learned to walk from crabs, or wanted to teach crabs to walk, that this king, of course, does not have a stick of his own in the whole world. But lay down your shame! Listen to what follows:

V. 10. And now, ye kings, be wise; be ye chastened, ye judges of the earth.

This is how kings and princes are to be addressed, what will that become? Such a shameful, blasphemous thing has never been spoken from the earth, shall kings become wise? Do you think they are fools? Shall judges be chastened? Do you think that they are children in school? Well, kings are wise beforehand, they have laws, statutes, lawyers and councillors, they know what they should do. Judges, too, have law, manners, manners and measures, customs and habits, and know well what they should judge, sentence and keep. This psalm is certainly a heretic, reviling kings, blaspheming judges, and acting as a rebel against the authorities and all their rights and customs, wanting to drive them out of the old guarantee. To this end, she contemptuously addresses "you kings, you judges," as a lord does his servant, you Hans, you Peter,

as if he thought they were nothing at all, and were entirely his own, like a cow or a goose.

Yes, dear fellow, he confesses that kings and judges have reason, rights and wisdom; for there can be no king nor judge who does not have law and justice in the land. But with this verse he throws them all under this king, together with their rights, customs, reason, and what they have in wisdom and authority, and says: it is not enough for them to have this; no matter how beautiful law or customs may be, they should become fools and children against this king and priest, listen to him and let themselves be taught, take his word for master, go over everything and rule.

Since the pope, as well as the emperor and king, are not above this king, but must remain among the judges on earth, his decree and his teaching must also be a fool and a child against this king's word and teaching, and must not judge it, but be judged and taught by it.

But now at Augsburg they will probably master and pattern this verse differently, so that it must read thus: And now, thou king of Sion, be wise, thou judge of heaven, be thou chastened. For thou art a fool and a child against us; we must judge and set what thou shalt hold to be true or not. What we do not judge or confirm, you are commanded to believe to be true, or you will be burned with the heretics. This is certainly how it will be with this king, for they truly do not want to be deprived of the guarantee that they have been masters and judges of God's word until now. But what will this king say to this, who also sits in the guarantee, and wants to be unmastered and unjudged, but only mastered and judged? They will let him take care of it, and he will do so, as follows:

Serve the Lord with fear and rejoice with trembling. Kiss the Son, lest he be angry, and you perish in the way, for his wrath will soon come. Blessed are all who trust in him.

It says that whoever does not want to hear Christ's word, but wants to master it, shall perish in wrath, and that very soon, he will not

hem. We should serve him and not force his word to serve our head. We should kiss him and pay him homage, and not subject Christ or his word to our conceit; he does not want to suffer it, that is short and sweet.

11 I will inform C.F.G. of this, if God will grant grace through your diligence and work, so that the blasphemy will be less; if not, that peace will be established. For the fact that the pope boasts with his own in a printed note that the emperor will restore and complete everything for him, I know that he will miss that; For what would that be otherwise than that we should recant everything we have ever taught, even this present delivered confession, which you yourselves must hold to be right, and against it praise all the former lies, which you yourselves all much confess, and all the innocent blood shed by your part load upon us. Yes, dear pope and papists, give us again Leonhard Emperor, and all whom you have innocently strangled, all souls whom you have seduced with lies, all money and goods which you have robbed with cheating, all the honor which you have stolen from God with blasphemy, then we will act of restitution. It shall be written in a history that the pope and his papists may insolently and publicly desire such blasphemous things, as if they were vain lumps in German land, and in the imperial diet vain monkeys, and all the princes who are involved in it, that they should be an eternal stink among our descendants, for which one must spit and lick.

But the devil seeks something else with it. Would God that all our masters would pay attention to it. We Germans will not stop believing the Pabst and his whales until they bring us, not into a sweat bath, but into a blood bath. If German princes fell into each other, that would make the Pabst, the Florentine fruit, happy, so that he could laugh into his fist and say: There, you German beasts, didn't want me to be pope, so have that. O great love and loyalty he has for the emperor, as he finely proved before Pavia, when he went against the emperor. He prefers Germany still more, that he demands the emperor from Hispania (for who could have such prac-.

tik?), and then crown him without the presence of the German princes, according to the bull. 1) I am not a prophet, but I ask all of you gentlemen to be careful, and do not let yourselves think that you are dealing with men, when you deal with Pope and his people, but with vain devils; for there are also vain devils behind them, that I know. May God Almighty help you, so that everything will be at peace, amen.

13. hereby I will have commanded E. C. F. G. in God's grace, and what I can do by praying, serve him faithfully, and E. C. F. G. in God's grace. C. F. G. will graciously grant me this letter. I cannot leave it alone, I must also care for poor, miserable, abandoned, despised, betrayed and sold Germany, to which I do not wish any harm, but all the good that I owe to my dear fatherland. Eremo, feria 4. post Visitationis Mariae [July 6], Anno M.D.XXX.

E. C. F. G.

subservient

Mart. Luther.

988 Luther's letter to Melanchthon. July 19, 1530.

This letter is found in Cölestin, vol. II, p. 231 d; in Buddeus, p. 157; in Chyträus in the Latin edition, p. 149 and in the German, p.244; in DeWette, vol. IV, p. 99, and incompletely and with a wrong date (July 9) in Walch. We have translated according to De Wette.

Newly translated from the Latin.

Grace and peace in Christ! Although you do not write to us, my dear Philip, I write so that I may surpass you in favor and burden you with envy by preceding you in a superfluous good work (opere supererogationis). But you see that the matter is heading for a similar outcome as it was at Worms, namely that it is to suffer the emperor as judge. Thus Satan always fiddles on one string, and this artist of a thousand has only this one powerless strength against Christ. Dar-

1) Document No. 893.

I have written more extensively to all the princes, and you will be better advised in this matter. I see, thank God, nothing in the opponents but mere threats, but threats against the Lord and his anointed, which David calls void, who was not only a mighty despiser of threats, but also the conqueror of Goliath's strength. If the proverbs are true, then this is also true: "He who dies of grief shall be buried with farts. 2) Although it is German, it is still valid. But with what kind of bells (combos) will you have to be tolled, who will be overcome not only by others but by yourself? We may hear threats, and nothing else but threats, but they are threats of stubble and reed, whose thoughts the Lord knows, and behold, they are void. But if war and violence should indeed ensue, it has not yet begun, and something may happen in the meantime; and even if it should indeed begin, it has not yet progressed; even if it should progress, it has not yet won. That a war should be aroused by them at this time, I cannot even conceive according to human reason, unless they want to perish completely. 3) Recently, about sixty peasants have begun to gather here anew, and have also tried to take Hohenstein Castle 4) by night (so our captains tell us), so that you can see that even in the presence of the emperor it is necessary to take all precautions against the uprising: what would happen if they started a war? But the messenger is already hastening by order of the prince, and you have not written. I will write to the others at another time. Be strong in the Lord. Amen. From Gruboc ^Coburg), July 19 Anno 1530.

Your Martin Luther.

2) Thus Luther gives this saying St. Louiser Ausgabe, Bd. XV, 1806.

3) The following is missing from Walch.

4) Thus Buddeus and Seidemann in De Wette, VI, 685; in the text: Xotmsteu.

989 Luther's Letter to Wenceslaus Link. July 13, 1530.

This letter is found in Cölestin, vol. II, p. 210; in Buddeus, p. 151 and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 87. We have translated according to De Wette.

Newly translated from the Latin.

Grace and peace! I am sending you the letter to the Bishop of Mainz, 1) my dear Wenceslaus, and would like you to give this copy, if it can be, to Georg Rotmeyer for printing, for whom you once wrote to me. If he should not undertake it, then you may give it to the printer Wolfgang at St. Lorenz; however, I would like the publication to be accelerated. As soon as the copy will be finished, you may send it immediately with this enclosed letter by an occasional messenger to D. Johann Rühel, for to him I write that he should take this letter and the copy and hand them over to the Mainzer. I beg you, do not take it amiss that you are thus weighted down by me. I hear that the opponents are pressing for the right of possession (possessorium) (which we have always suspected), but in vain. Greet the D. Abbot, Spengler and all of us, greet also your vine with its lovely grapes. From Coburg, on the day of Margaret [July 13] Anno 1530. Yours, M. Luther.

990 Luther's letter to D. Johann Rühel. July 13, 1530.

This letter is found in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 429d; in the Jena (1566), vol. V, p. 116 d; in the Altenburg, vol. V, p. 244; in the Leipziger, vol. XX, p. 145; in the Erlanger, vol. 54, p. 178; and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 87. Latin in Cölestin, vol. II, p. 2I0d and in Buddeus, p. 152.

To the respectable, highly esteemed Mr. Johann Rühel, the Right Doctor, Chancellor of Mansfeld, my favorable master and friendly dear brother-in-law.

Grace and peace in Christ. Esteemed, respectable, dear Doctor, and friend-

1) No.987.

Dear dear brother-in-law! I have sent out a letter to your Lord, the Cardinal at Mainz, through the printer at Nuremberg, and have asked Doctor Wenceslaum to send you the copy. When it arrives, I ask you to hand it over to your master for my sake, with my request that S. C. F. G. accept it with grace, and to indicate my heartfelt good opinion, as you know well how to do. I also ask E. A. (as I am sure that you are doing diligently) to admonish S. C. F. G. faithfully that S. C. F. G. does not trust the desperate whales, nor does he believe them. For you know to some extent what kind of people they are, how they have meant us Germans up to now, and how they still mean us. We are afflicted with them; God help and protect us from them, amen. Herewith I command you God, and pray also for me, as I do for you etc. Ex Eremo, die Margarethae [July 13] anno 1530.

Martinus Luther, D.

991 Luther's Letter to Justus Jonas. July 9, 1530.

This letter is found handwritten in the Ooü. Olo88; in the Ooä. .len. b, lob 130 and in Aurifaber, vol. Ill, p. 55. Printed in Buddeus, p. 144 and in De Wette, vol.IV, p. 85. Incomplete in Cölestin, vol.II, p.2I0b. We have translated according to De Wette.

Newly translated from the Latin.

Grace and peace in Christ! These days we have received many letters from you, dearest Jonas, and since that time of silence we have written again four times, even five times; this is the sixth time we are writing. Your letters have been extremely pleasant to me. I see indeed that now, after the statement of contents (argumentum), the preface (prologum) of the Diet will be recited; the meeting and what matters (epitasis), or the crisis, will follow; but those have a sad, we a happy outcome (comicam catastro- phen) to expect. Not, of course, that doctrinal harmony will ever be established; for who can hope that Belial will be united with Christ? unless, perhaps, the

Marriage and both forms will be permitted (but here, too, this adverb must be "perhaps", and perhaps too much "perhaps"), but that I wish and almost hope that the discord in doctrine can be set aside and a political harmony can be made. If this comes about through Christ's blessing, then enough has happened and been accomplished at this Diet. For first of all, what is greatest, Christ is loudly proclaimed by the public and glorious confession, and is known in the light and in their faces, so that they cannot boast that we have fled, that we have feared, or that we have concealed our faith. I only regret that I could not have been present at this beautiful confession, and the same fate befell me as happened to the highest warlords outside Vienna a year ago, that no cooperation or victory could be attributed to them in the resistance and defense of the city against the Turks. But it fills me up and comforts me that in the meantime my Vienna has been defended by others. The second is that it is certain that we have always sought peace, and as the Psalm [Ps. 34:15] says, we have said that we have offered it, asked for it, while those have sought nothing but war, murder and destruction, but to a certain testimony that we are children of God, since we are peaceable. If we now attain the third thing, that we part in worldly peace, then we have clearly overcome Satan in this year. This is not my predetermination about this Reichstag, but these are my thoughts. For how could I hope that the adversaries will do anything good? What can I hope from the emperor, however good he may be, since he is possessed? Christ lives 1) and sits at the right hand, not of the emperor (for then we would have perished long ago), but at the right hand of God. This is something incredibly great. But I have a desire for this unbelievable thing and am completely willing to die on it. And why should I not live on it? If only God wanted Philip to do this, at least with me, I would be able to live on it.

1) De Wette: v6Lit. Aurifaber: vivit. We have assumed the latter.

He believed in one faith when he did not have another. "At my right hand" "is a small thing, but 'at my right hand', devil, where does it end? The pronoun will do it, because the noun Adonai, which follows the dixit Dominus 2), will well preserve the dear 2V sScheblimini ---- Set you at my right hand) until the 'at the footstool of your feet' also comes. What matter if David lie?" Unless Augsburg alone has begun to rule in this month, or to escape from the right hand of God, so that one must believe that Christ was pushed down there by the Sacramentarians, and David was corrupted by the Papists. If this happened, we do not know it here at Gruboc. Therefore write this to us, my dear Jonas, and I will look for another Christ and invent another David, who will not deceive me and mock me with empty words. But away with this jest, which is blasphemous, but not blasphemous in earnest. Thou art well pleased in Christ, and believe with us, as thou doest, that Christ is the King of kings, and the Lord the sovereign. "If he forfeit the title at Augsburg, he shall also forfeit it in heaven and on earth, amen." From Gruboc, July 9, 1530.

Your Martin Luther.

992 Luther's Letter to Justus Jonas. July 13, 1530.

The original of this letter is in the possession of Baron von Meusebach in Berlin and is printed from it in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, vol. II, p. 76. Also in Cölestin, vol. II, p. 228; in Chyträus according to the Latin edition, p. 146, and according to the German edition, p. 247; in Buddeus, p. 150; in Flacius' Latin collection of letters; in Cyprian's Beilagen zur Geschichte der Augsb. Conf., p. 178 and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 89. German first in Luther's collection of letters, edited by Flacius, then in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 429; in the Jena edition (1566s, vol. V, p. 115d; in the Altenburg edition, vol.V, p.243 and in the Leipzig edition, vol.XX, p. 194. We have translated according to Förstemann.

Newly translated from the Latin.

2) Here we find been obliged to change the given text after the 110th Psalm to give sense. De Wette offers: "Adonai, da das dixi nachfolget." Buddeus offers: "da das Nomen vominns" etc.

To the venerable man in Christ, Mr. Justus Jonas, the confessor of Christ at Augsburg, his superior in the Lord.

Grace and peace in the Lord! I am sitting here, my dear Jonas, thinking and caring for you, and I suspect that our cause has already come to a meeting, and at the same time I hope that it has the prospect of a very good end; only your courage must not sink, and the more hopeful they are, the less you must give way. For I believe that they are firmly under the delusion that you, bowed down, will yield everything if they order or propose anything through the emperor. For who does not see that the emperor himself does nothing here, but is driven and guided? If you now stand firm and yield nothing, you will force them to change their minds and turn their deliberations into anger. When this has happened, our cause will suffer violence and threats more easily than those satanic wiles which I have feared the most up to now. They may after all press for the right of possession (possessorium): 1) We, too, want to insist that they restore to us Leonhard Kaiser (Keyser) and many others whom they have killed in the most shameful way; they shall restore so many souls whom they have ruined with their godless teachings; they shall restore so many goods which they have robbed with fraudulent indulgences and other deceptions; they shall restore the glory of God which is defiled by so many blasphemies; they shall restore the purity of the Church which is abominably defiled in persons and customs. And who can enumerate everything? Then we also want to deal with the right of possession. But it has pleased me extraordinarily that after God's decree they have begun to be so nonsensical that they are not ashamed to advance this cause. The one who so afflicts and disgraces them that they consider these shameful and unrighteous things to be quite beautiful and reliable, continues even further. This is to be the beginning and the portent of the hand of God that wants to assist us. So I comfort

1) The following is almost word for word in Luther's Letter to the Cardinal at Mainz, No. 987, § 11.

me. But you already have other advice, and these are already old. But I hope that our letters (for I have written at least five times, - to Philip I have written so many times) have been delivered. The Lord Jesus himself, our salvation and life, our love and confidence, be with you, I hope, Amen. From Gruboc, 1530 on the day of Margaret [July 13]. Greetings to M. Eisleben and all the others. Your Martin Luther.

993 Luther's Letter to Melanchthon. July 13, 1530.

This letter is found in Buddeus, p. 49 from the Jena manuscript; in Flacius' Latin collection of letters; in Cölestin, vol. II, p. 229 b; in Chyträus, p. I05b and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 88. German in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 429; in the Jena edition (1566), vol. V, p. 116; in the Altenburg, vol. V, p. 243 and in the Leipzig, vol. XX, p. 194.

Doctor Martinus Luther, the faithful disciple and witness of Christ, FI. Philippo Melanchthon, his brother. 2)

Grace and true peace of Christ! I believe, my dear Philip, that you now see from experience that Belial cannot be united with Christ in any way, and that there is no hope of harmony as far as doctrine is concerned. I have written about this to the prince, 3) that our cause cannot suffer the emperor as a judge. And now we see what the letter containing the so gracious citation 4) intended. But perhaps the matter had already progressed long before my letter arrived, which I also thought of at the time when I wrote it. But at least for my person, I will not give in one hair's breadth, or allow the matter to be brought back to the old state (restitui); I would rather expect all extreme danger, since they continue so stubbornly. The Emperor may do what he can. But I wish to know what you have done.

2) This inscription is found only in the German editions.

3) Document No. 956.

4) Emperor Carl's invitation to the Imperial Diet in Augsburg, No. 890.

have. I have asked the Lord, who has helped me infinitely better than I have. But since those deceitful devils are playing their game with the promise of a concilium, I would also like to play my game with them at the same time, by appealing to the concilium from their threats, which is nothing and will never be held, so that we may have peace in the meantime. I do not yet fear anything from violence or their violent hand. Christ is still tempting us in this way, who is powerful in us who are weak; and in this way he is glorified in the assembly of the saints, and in no other way; "there is no other way out. I have nothing else to write from this solitude. I would like you not to be troubled by this victory and glorification of the enemies, but to fortify yourself against it by the power of the strength and might of Him who raised Christ from the dead and will make us alive and raise us up with Him. For the wicked must be made green as the grass [Ps. 92:3], and the enemies of the Lord be honored and exalted, that they perish and wither forever, as the Psalms [Ps. 37:2, 129:6] testify. If the Duke George were not so arrogant, how could he be our enemy? But you are intent on other things, for that reason you do not allow mine; therefore you have no peace, and to the future and indeed fictitious evils you add at the same time the present futile cross. Christ (I pray) strengthen and sustain you, amen. From the desert, on the day of St. Margaret 13. July) 1530.

Martin Luther.

C. How the Elector of Saxony was denied the imperial feud out of hatred for the Lutheran religion.

994 The Emperor's notification to the Electorate of Saxony by Count Palatine Frederick and Count Henry of Nassau, July 16, 1530, that the Emperor had reservations about granting the fiefs to the Elector.

From Müller's Historie von der evang. Stände Protestation, lib. Ill, cax. 22, p. 671.

On Saturday after Margarethä kais. Maj.'s deputies, named Count Palatine Frederick, Count Henry of Nassau, Rogendorf, King's Maj. courtier, and Mr. Jörg Truchsess, captain, have notified our most gracious lord of the following opinion by order of Imperial Maj. Maj., concerning the three articles, namely: the fiefs over the Chur of Saxony, confirmation of the marriage ordinance over the lands of Jülich and Cleve, and the market in the city, as it is called, would have fallen to them. After apologizing for the great business that has meanwhile occurred to Caif. Maj. had occurred in the meantime, so that Her Majesty could not have given an answer to His Electoral Grace for the sake of the above-mentioned article: His Imperial Majesty would have remembered that the market in the city had been lost. Maj. would have remembered how graciously her ancestors had behaved toward the House of Saxony and His Lordship's Grace. His Imperial Majesty would remember how graciously his ancestors behaved toward the House of Saxony and his Elector's Grace, and that His Majesty would also be inclined to behave in such a manner toward his Elector. Grace. However, since it has come to pass that His Electoral Grace has abandoned the faith, Her Majesty is not willing to do so. His Grace has renounced the faith of Her Imperial Majesty and others. Majesty and others, as is shown by the signature on the writings handed over, in which his Electors profess such doctrine. The same applies to the signing of the writings handed over, in which his Electors professed such doctrine. Gn. In addition, his Elector's relatives in the next handed over writing are thought to take an alliance from it, even though one does not know it. Thus it has also reached the Emperor's Majesty. Maj. that His Electorate is in alliance with the Confederates. The same is also reported to His Imperial Majesty that His Electorate should have entered into an understanding with the Confederates, and that this should have broken out, as usual, sooner than the same might have been carried out; as a thing would not be so small if it came to light; that Her Majesty found herself complaining that such a thing should have been carried out in her absence, and that it should have been attached to those 1) who were objectionable to His Imperial Majesty, and new to him. Maj. repugnant, and to carry out innovation in faith. It would also have been contrary to Her Imperial Majesty's edict. Maj. edict. For although there were grievances in matters of faith, it should nevertheless, if it were wrong, have been done by the whole of Christendom, and at their discretion. However, since Imperial Maj. Maj. finds that my most gracious lord wishes to insist on the articles handed over and the doctrine contained therein, and does not intend to deviate, and her Imperial Majesty also has a soul and a conscience. Maj. also have a soul and conscience, and would never willingly fight against the Holy Scriptures, because Her Imperial Majesty is the defender and protector of the Church. Maj. is the protector and handler of the Church, therefore our most gracious Lord should not allow himself to be separated from the faith and her Maj. in such a way, and have sought an alliance: then her Maj. will not be pleased to reject the

1) "to whom" put by us instead of: "for".

Fiefdoms of His Electorate. They do not know what should be provided to his Electorate. They do not know what should be provided to his Electorate. Where, however, his Elector's Grace would later consider it. If, however, his electors should later wish to consider this and not give cause for it, the Imperial Majesty would take action against his electors. Majesty would graciously keep his Electoral Grace in mind. Graciously with it. If, however, my most gracious lord should wish to persist in this, and remain with the faith as it was before age and [not] held for more than 20 or 30 years, then his electoral graces will also give cause. Cause not to lend the regalia, could also not consider that they would do it with conscience. On this his Electorate. His Grace would like to be heard, on which their minds would finally rest. But the other articles, although they may be done out of His Majesty's good will, His Electoral Grace has nevertheless given cause for this. His Grace has given cause to induce Her Imperial Majesty to do so. Maj. to do so. But without this, Imperial Maj. Maj. would be in no other mood to behave toward his Electoral Grace. His Imperial Majesty's mind would not be able to behave differently toward His Electors than His Imperial Majesty's forefathers did and did. Maj.'s ancestors have done and kept.

995: The Elector of Saxony's Response to the Imperial Resolution. July 21, 1530.

This writing is found entirely in Cölestin, vol. II, p.245; in Chyträus according to the Latin edition, p. 125 and according to the German, p. 201, and in Müller's Historie etc., lib. Ill, eap. 22, p. 673. The part concerning religion is also found in the "Gesammtausgabe": in the Wittenberg (1569), vol. IX, p. 4180; in the Jena (1566), vol. V, p. 33; in the Altenburg, vol. V, p. 154 and in the Leipzig, vol. XX, p. 227. Likewise in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, vol. II, p. 113 according to a copy in the Margravial Brandenburg Acts.

Most Sublime, Most Great Emperor, Most Gracious Lord! In response to the remonstrances made by Your Imperial Maj. Maj. through the high and well-born and noble etc. Maj. decreed to me last Saturday after Margarethä, concerning three articles, namely 1) the fiefs over the Chur of Saxony; 2) confirmation of the marriage ordinance over the lands of Jülich, Cleve and Berg; 3) and concerning the market at Gotha, I have asked for your consideration. And do Your Imperial Maj. Maj. this most humbly distant report.

Crster article, concerning the imperial enfeoffment.

Firstly, for the sake of the aforementioned fief, so that Your Imperial Majesty may graciously hear the reason and cause. Maj. may graciously hear the reason and cause of the same. Maj. know that the golden bull, on account of the Elector's descendants, which Your Imperial Maj. Maj. graciously

confirmed and confirmed, clearly decreed that if a secular prince dies without male heirs, the same dignity shall then pass to his eldest brother; for this reason, after the death of my dear brother, Duke Frederick, Elector of Saxony, the chieftaincy of Saxony has passed to me. In addition, Your Imperial Maj. Maj. has granted me, together with the said my brother, the fiefs of the County of Saxony, together with all their regalia, according to the contents of your Imperial Maj. Maj. fief letter, and according to the enclosed article, signed by your Imperial Maj. Maj. gave to my brother at the Diet of Worms, in accordance with the aforementioned Golden Bull, and has graciously entrusted me with his love, on her death without heirs to the feudal estate. If, after my brother's death, it had been my duty to continue the feud, there was no lack of it; for almost in the first six months after my brother's departure, I had been in command of Your Imperial Majesty's regiment. Maj.'s regiment, for the sake of such fiefs and regalia, in accordance with the imperial order. And because I, by virtue of a muthceddul sent over, have been directed to Your Imperial Majesty with this request, and I have been informed of it by Your Imperial Majesty. Maj. with this, and for this reason I have sent two of my advisors to your Imperial Maj. in Hispania for the most humbled presentation. Maj. in Hispania, your Imperial Maj. has sent me a gracious letter. Maj. have graciously granted me a two-year indult, in which Your Imperial Majesty will graciously and specially grant me a two-year indult. Maj. has graciously and specially granted me a leave of absence to go to your Imperial Majesty. Majesty. Majesty's arrival in the Empire, graciously granted me such fiefs and regalia, according to the copies hereof, signed with B. The same indult has been granted to me by His Imperial Majesty. Majesty has granted me the same indulgence through the encouragement of His Imperial Majesty Vice-Chancellor. Maj. Vice-Chancellor, my friend, the Bishop of Costnitz and Hildesheim, has also given me the same indulgence for another year, with the same gracious and imperial promises to grant me the aforementioned fiefs on the occasion of His Majesty's arrival in the Empire of the German Nation. M. arrival in the Empire of the German Nation, contents of the enclosed copy, signed 0. Thus I have also, for the sake of my most humble diligence, sent, in addition to the most reverend, my elders and special ones, Count Wilhelm of Nassau and Count Wilhelm of Neuenar, my councilor and servant, Hansen von Dolzigk, next to E. kais. Majesty to Insbruck, to whom E. kais. M. has given this gracious and imperial answer for the sake of such fiefs. Answer given, that E. kais. Maj. would also do the same to me and hand them over, if Her Majesty would come here to Augsburg. After all of this, I will next allhie with E. kais. M., I would not have received a prompt answer, much less that there would have been some speech or discussion about it.

I can, however, easily note that in the case of E. K. Majesty, I am being ill-supported by my unfavorables. Maj.; but since I can well state that I am badly supported by my unfavorables at Her Majesty's, which I (whether I am to blame for them) place in God's hands: so, to my great need, Her Majesty has not refrained from sending me such a most humble reminder, in which way Her Majesty has prepared to enfeoff me with my brother on his death by her Majesty's sealed letter of feoffment. Maj. has already enfeoffed me with my brother, on his death, by her Maj.'s sealed letter of feoffment, has also given written sealed consent for further enfeoffment, after the death, and has given final permission, next to Insbruck, to graciously grant me the fiefs here again. And I ask again, in all humility, and most humbly, that His Majesty, together with my heirs and co-beneficiaries, grant me, on the clear and bright, and also completely undisputable, prescriptions and gracious grants from His Imperial Majesty, the Holy Roman Emperor. Maj. and most gracious promises, graciously and without further delay lend me the fiefs and regalia of the Saxonian Church, and also register them with my unfavorable ones, because my dear brother, most blessed, by such justice and dignity of the Saxonian Church, E. Kais. M., special glory, indeed not least to this her imperial highness. I will not be moved nor dissuaded by my disfavored joy that now, as my brother's heir, I shall encounter such an entry for the sake of the Saxon churl. That I also request from Your Imperial Highness the most humbly. M. to confirm the above marriage vow, but without prejudice to the male's presumed rights, has happened before and also now for the reasons that my sister-in-law and sister-in-law of Jülich and Eleve, and I, E. Imperial Maj. Maj. through my envoys in Hispania, by virtue of our mutually sealed Instruction, have at length indicated and humbly reminded; and especially for the sake of the most gracious promise, which H.R.M. has given to my brother, and subsequently to me, through her secretary, Johann Hannarten, on H.R.M.'s Credence and Instruction. Maj. credence and instruction, among others, in this form. Namely: because E. kais. Maj. has ordered the marriage between Her Majesty's sister, now Royal Wife of Portugal, and my son, Johann Friedrichen, by virtue of and according to the content of the written and sealed marriage contract, of which His Imperial Majesty has no doubt that he remembers it. Maj. know without a doubt, previously established, do not wish to execute, for the reasons stated, that E. kais. M., if my brother or I were to marry my son elsewhere myself, would agree to it with gracious counsel,

I would like to show him support and help, and also to show him a brave imperial gift for his love; which gift the aforementioned Hannart has also declared, without all my request or desire, according to a sealed letter, which I still have with me, together with the sealed instruction of his done courtship. Since now, according to the will of the Almighty, a marriage has taken place, with such marriage ceremony as has been reported to Your Majesty, between my son, Duke John Frederick, and my wife Sibyl, my firstborn daughter of Cleve and Jülich, and his sweetheart, together with her husband, and I, Your Imperial Majesty, have received confirmation and confirmation of this marriage. Maj. confirmation and acknowledgement no other, nor further, than male to his presumed rights without detriment, as before and recently at Insbruck at E. Majesty's arrival by my council and servant. arrival by my councilor and servant, Hansen von Dolzigk, and handed over in writing: so I ask Your Imperial Highness to grant me again in all subjection. M. again with all humility and request that E. kais. Maj. will, in consideration of the aforementioned most gracious and imperial promise, also graciously consider the manifold faithful services of the Houses of Saxony, Jülich and Cleve, and in return, upon their aforementioned gracious request, with such requested confirmation, likewise with confirmation of the requested fairs in my city of Gotha, after no one may complain of any due disadvantage therein; as then Your Majesty has previously decreed. Majesty has also handed over the causes of such a defeat in writings, as my most gracious lord and emperor, and as your emperor's ancestors have done. M.'s ancestors, in all ways, and in all this to E. kais. M. again my most submissive confidence, also graciously show.

The other article, concerning faith.

When also Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty had me make a number of burdensome announcements on account of my faith, Your Imperial Majesty knows that, as far as the faith is concerned, they have required me, like other estates, to submit such disputes at this Imperial Diet. Majesty know that they have demanded of me, and as far as the faith is concerned, with such a letter, as of other estates, that at this Imperial Diet, in order to put an end to such disputes, to leave aside unwillingness, and to surrender the preceding insanity to Christ our Savior, we should act in such a way that only each one's discretion, opinion, and opinion between ourselves should be heard, understood, and considered in love and kindness, and that they should be brought to a unified Christian truth and compared. For this reason I, and several princes and cities, have obeyed Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty, in obedience to their Imperial Majesty. Majesty. Majesty, in obedience to your Imperial Majesty's invitation and the presentation that has been made.

I have handed over to you, in the form of a twofold document, in Latin and German, the order and confession as taught and preached in my lands and also in your own lands, and by your superiors, and have signed it to us, as is proper. I have also, together with the aforementioned signatories, offered in the preface of the delivered document that we would gladly converse with other princes, rulers and estates in convenient and uniform ways, and unite them as much as is always possible for equality, so that our mutual arguments and afflictions may be dealt with between ourselves in love and kindness, and may be led to a unified true religion, as we all are and contend under one Christ. Nor shall there be anything in any of us that could or would serve Christian unity with God and conscience. The same, and that I want to compare myself Christianly in everything that may always happen with God and conscience, I hereby offer to Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty, I hereby humbly and abundantly submit to a common and free Christian concilium, and I hope to God Almighty that in such a conversation in love and kindness, or in the indicated concilium, I shall never again find myself in conflict with divine holy Scripture, that I, by my and my co-religionists' signed articles and instruction of the doctrine, have convinced us of the truth of God, and Your Imperial Majesty, as the supreme protector, of the truth of God. Majesty, as the supreme protector and protector of the Church. If I can also be informed by divine holy Scripture that what I or my princes hold or teach should be contrary to God and His divine Scripture and order, I will (whether God wills it), as no doubt the others of my kinsmen will also do, so hold and show that no one shall be noted by His Majesty. no one shall be noted as if I, solely on account of my own pride and outside of the pressure of my conscience, had the desire and will to disassociate myself from the truth and order of God and the holy Christian Church in some way, and should no longer be willing to unanimously believe according to God's word, order and command, and to hold with the holy Christian Church. Thus it is necessary above all things to know and hear which articles the others intend to contest, and to hear against them with a Christian and necessary report, as we have offered to do at the end of these next articles, also to hear whether, by the help of the Almighty, such articles, which have been claimed to be in dispute or to be contested, can be brought to a unified Christian truth, according to their content.

Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty's Christian and praiseworthy decree, according to divine holy scripture. Scripture, should now be conducted at this Imperial Diet. 1) For although in everything that can always be with God and God's conscience (so that Your Imperial Majesty may be pleased with me), I am not a Christian, but a Christian. I am most humbly willing and obligated in everything that can always be with God and His will (so that Your Majesty may hold me to the most subservient service, honor and favor), unselfishly willing and obligated in life, limb and property: but since these are matters that concern God's Word and honor, and my conscience and soul's salvation, and I have read the doctrine that is preached in my countries, and as I, along with the others of my kinsmen, have written the same in Latin and German before Your Majesty and the Estates, I have no objection to it. I, together with the others of my kinsmen, have confessed the same in Latin and German writings before His Majesty and the Estates of the Empire, and I hereby confess once again, together with all that adheres to the [Confession] by virtue of the divine Scriptures, that I consider and believe it to be Christian, right, and of God's pure and true word, order, and command, and that no one has proved the contradiction from the holy divine Scriptures, that the same confession we have handed over is not founded in the divine holy Scriptures, and in God's word, order, and command: therefore, His Majesty the Emperor, as a most noble Emperor, has declared that the confession we have handed over is not founded in the divine holy Scriptures, and in God's word, order, and command, as a most praiseworthy Emperor, graciously accept how it would be possible for me and my kinsmen before God, Your Majesty and the whole world, to refrain from such a well-known doctrine as God's word, order and command, without frightening and damning violation of my conscience, and without the greatest blasphemy, that I should not consider God's word, order and command, as the eternal and imperishable truth, to be God's word, order and truth, in such a way as Your Majesty, and without a doubt, as the Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire, would like. K. Majesty, and no doubt have been moved by the opponents' too much diligent persistence to desire me. Since we then hold that this doctrine and order is God's word and command: all opponents must judge for themselves and confess on behalf of me and my kinsmen that it is not our duty to refrain from it with such a 2) conscience; that it is also our duty and duty before God and all men, and that we have been and are guilty of accepting and recognizing God's word, doctrine, command and order, and of permitting it in our lands and territories, unhindered by what has been introduced or broken in against it by human order or long repugnant use. For, as indicated in my confession and in that of my kinsmen in more than one place, God does grant that in matters concerning His word, order and commandment (in which case one is now) one may accept the word, order and commandment of God.

1) The preceding sentence is missing in Förstemann and Chyträus, but is in Latin.

2) In Brück's transcript: sicherm.

3) So Förstemann; Walch: gebührt.

obeying Him more than men. To this end, the sayings of the Fathers, which are cited in spiritual laws in many places, and in part in our confession, testify that God's word and God's law and order may not be changed or altered by human ordinances or repugnant customs, no matter how long they have been in effect and have stood. To this end, all the rights described above, where anyone mandates and orders against the holy and natural rights of God, decree and allow that such rescripts, ordinances and mandates are to be considered invalid and unbinding. From this, Your Majesty may assume how justly my kinsmen and I are complained of to Your Majesty, as if we had disobeyed Your Majesty in this respect. Moreover, Your Majesty knows that my dear brother, Duke Frederick of Saxony, Elector, blessed, has reported his complaint to Your Majesty at Worms on account of the Edict; which has also been reported to Your Majesty at the Imperial Conventions, especially at Worms. Imperial Diet, especially at Nuremberg and at Speier the first, for reasons which were then unanimously drawn up in an Instruction by Princes, Princes and Estates, and agreed to send to His Majesty in Hispania for this purpose. Therefore, His Majesty, as the head, who is set before Christendom as a temporal governor and authority by God Almighty, will not let himself be moved to this by anyone, as His Majesty has graciously informed me, and has pleased me not a little in this most important matter, that His Majesty does not like to go against the Holy Scriptures. would not like to act against the Holy Scriptures, that His Majesty should disrupt, change, and create difficult or unpleasant things, contrary to what God, as the supreme commander and eternal wisdom, surpassing all men's wit and wisdom, has decreed, ordained, instituted, and commanded; but His Majesty, as the supreme commander and eternal wisdom, surpassing all men's wit and wisdom, has decreed, ordained, instituted, and commanded. may therein graciously consider God's honor and man's salvation and blessedness, or, indeed, may not allow himself to be hurried to the utmost in this most sacrificial and most important matter, by the assiduous impetuous or importunate persistence of the adversaries, as they would perhaps like to see and want, but, if the action among ourselves in love and kindness would be harmless on this imperial day, as E. K. M. is my superfluous and unnecessary. My superfluous request, which my kinsmen agree with me, from that which has been presented, may be graciously heard: so may Your Majesty, for the sake of greater security of the conscience, as it is of God's will, not hasten the most important matters.

The Council of the Holy Roman Catholic Church, which is the highest court in the land of the Holy Roman Catholic Church, is the highest court in the land of the Holy Roman Catholic Church, which is the highest court in the land of the Holy Roman Catholic Church, and which is the highest court in the land of the Holy Roman Catholic Church. and Princes and Estates, at many different Imperial Diets, have considered and found it necessary, useful and good because of the magnitude of the matters, and have also most humbly requested it, so that the truth may be pursued with proper earnestness and diligence and that it may be acted upon, what is right confirmed, and what is abused and wrong done away with everywhere. For Your Majesty has graciously asked to consider how burdensome, also in terms of traffic, it is to be interpreted and interpreted that, as often as a common, free, Christian concilio has been spoken of, acted upon, most humbly and unanimously requested, also granted, and the whole realm put off; and yet, if the action at this Imperial Diet, by virtue of Your Majesty's decree, is to be taken, it should not be objectionable. If, however, the action at this Imperial Diet, by virtue of His Majesty's decree, would be innocuous, it should not be allowed to proceed without the unavoidable necessity of all the present abuses in Christendom, about which the whole world has cried out for many years, so that, God willing, Your Majesty's most gracious permission, to the praise of God, and also to the benefit of Christendom and, above all, of the Empire of the German Nation, should not be allowed to take place. All of this, Your Majesty graciously wishes to note from me, not otherwise than cordially and completely humbly, also for my and my kinsmen's need, and therefore, that I cannot nor may not desist from God's word, truth, order and command, as desired, for the sake of my conscience, not to let myself and likewise my kinsmen be moved to disgrace, but on this superfluous my Christian inheritance, be and remain my most gracious Lord and Emperor. Again, everything that I may otherwise grant, which is not contrary to God's word and my conscience, in this I will show myself to be most submissive, and with God's help keep it so that Your Imperial Majesty will regard me as a faithful emperor. Majesty shall find me a faithful, obedient and peaceful Elector, and one who is heartily sorry for error and incorrectness in doctrine and government, much less inclined to promote it, until the end and conclusion of my life.

The third article, concerning the alliance.

That also from the words "our fellow relatives", so in my friends, and my last handed over writing, for the sake of the cities Nuremberg

and Reutlingen, who in unison with us have known and signed the preceding articles, should have understood or wanted to assume an alliance, I would not have provided myself with such dangerous interpretations by my detractors to induce Your Imperial Majesty to disfavor me. Majesty to disfavor me in any way. Thus, it would have been unnecessary for me to take such thoughts against me for the reasons indicated and to complain to your Imperial Majesty about them; for it is easy to assume that I and my friends have not made a confession on anyone's account in this important matter, or would do so and give an account of what is taught and held in other places that have not publicly signed with us and our confession. In this regard, Your Imperial Majesty knows that I am not a member of the Church. Your Majesty knows that I have reacted to such a report, which was sent to me by Your Imperial Majesty's order. Majesty's command, I have had the above-mentioned two Counts of Nassau and Neuenar, next to Insbruck, report such an alliance to me for a submissive truthful answer, which I hereby submit to Your Imperial Majesty. Majesty I hereby humbly renew. That I should also have asked the Swiss for an alliance, or have left myself in communication with them, as I have done with Your Imperial Majesty, is a matter of concern to me. Maj. I have requested further innocence: I show Your Imperial Majesty my innocence. Majesty I so declare my innocence, and say that there is no man living in this world who would speak or say with truth, nor may it be made true in time that all my life I have sought some alliance with the Swiss, much less have I let myself into some with them; and that is more, so no one will be able to say that I have sent, ordered, or with my knowledge and will ever done such seeking or acting with them secretly or publicly. And please, Your Imperial. Majesty want those of my disfavored, so your Imperial Majesty reports it. Your Imperial Majesty will consider them untrue and will not give them any credence until they make them true and, as is their right, prove that they are not capable of doing anything, whether God wills it or not. Thus my cousin, Duke George of Saxony, almost gave me notice of such things in various winters, with avoidance, as if such should have reached your Majesty's brother, the royal dignities of Hungary and Bohemia, etc. my special dear lord and uncle. However, I have let myself be heard by his royal dignities and my cousins with such an answer that I hope (so I have also heard it from their royal dignities) that this will not happen again.

Your Imperial Majesty may not understand otherwise), 1) that they have noted my apology and answer to good satisfaction, satisfaction and without reference. And your Imperial Majesty graciously understands all of this, and to my need, 2) I will earn this for your Imperial Majesty with all submissiveness, body and soul. Actum Augsburg, on the 21st day of July, Anno Domini 1530.

John, Duke of Saxony, and Elector.

996: Letter from Elector Johann of Saxony to Niclas von Ende, Amtmann in Georgenthal, concerning the above event.

July 28, 1530.

From Müller's History, lib. Ill, eap. 22, S. 685.

Dear Council and Faithful! We graciously inform you that we have not yet received an answer from Imperial Majesty to our submitted confession of our faith, and how we hold it in our principality, and what we have preached, and it will be five weeks after tomorrow that we have submitted it to Imperial Majesty. Majesty; so we have asked Imperial Majesty to give us the Majesty to lend us the Saxon churl. This has been refused to us. We have not refrained from asking Imperial Majesty for a second time. We have not refrained from asking Imperial Majesty for a second time to lend us the chur; however, we have not yet been able to obtain an answer. We have no other choice but to consider that we can hardly be trusted by Imperial Majesty. Majesty, and we fear that our own friends have brought this about; for Imperial Majesty has not yet given us a word. Majesty has not yet given us a word. Thus we lie here with great expenses. To this day, we have three and a half hundred horses with us, and have consumed a large sum, and have had to borrow twelve thousand guilders here. We also write to you here from the chancellery, on the other articles. We would like you to come to us in Coburg when we return with divine help, which we graciously do not want you to do; we are inclined to show you mercy. Date at Augsburg, on Thursday after Jacobi [July 28] Anno 1530.

1) Here we have deleted "because" and put the brackets.

2) Walch: provided.

997: List of the writings that some papist doctors handed over to the Emperor at the Imperial Diet in Augsburg.

This number belongs to the same document from which No. 963 is taken. In the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 417; in the Jena edition (1566) vol. V, p. 37d and in Spalatin's Annals, p. 145. In his table of contents for the 16th volume, p. 51 f., Walch has given the Latin titles of the writings listed here. Because we believe that no one is served by this, we have omitted it.

A Christian and urgent response to the articles submitted by the Elector of Saxony and several other princes and two cities.

The repugnant articles in which the apostate Luther writes against himself in his Babylonia, extracted by Doctor Johann Faber.

The heresy and error, drawn together from various Luther's books.

The heresy, condemned in the holy concilia before, but again aroused by the Lutherans.

The heresy and error of Luther, condemned by Pope Leo the Tenth ten years ago.

The heresy and error of Luther, condemned seven years ago by the University of Paris.

The Faculty of the Holy Scriptures at Louvain Condemnation.

An excerpt of some of Martin Luther's heresies and errors.

Several much incorrect sects, grown out of Luther and the Lutherans.

The Abominable, Corrupt and Damnable Fruits of the Lutheran Gospel.

Summa, some calculate it to two hundred sixty sheets.

998 Melanchthon's letter to Luther, sending him the list of the above writings. July 15, 1530.

This letter is found in Melanchthon's opist., lid.I, p. 11; in Cölestin, vol. II, p. 233; in Chyträus according to the Latin edition, p. 131 and according to the German, p. 215; in Cyprian's Beilagen zur Hist. der Augsb. Conf., p. 193 and in Oorp. Rot., vol.II, 197.

Germanized.

I have written to you that new councils are often held; we are indeed informed of this. Yesterday, it was decided in the council of princes and churals that the emperor should be asked to provide a concilium for the entire German empire. It was added that in the meantime it should be held in such a way that the peace would not be broken. Our people have argued that the second point should be omitted; although they would do so and have brought forward a number of reasons for it, I do not particularly like it; we want to appear too cautious.

(2) I am sending you a list of the writings which our adversaries have handed over to the imperial majesty; in it you will see that they have appended some repugnant articles and other things to the confutation out of malicious intent, so that they may embitter imperial majesty's gentle heart against us. Majesty's gentle heart against us. The boys need such attacks against us. If we come to an answer, I will certainly pay the loose bloodhounds again.

(3) I have now been several times with distant enemies, the Eck Rottgesellen; it is not to be said how bitterly Pharisaic hatred I have noticed in them. They do and strive nowhere else than to incite the princes against us, and to bring the pious emperor against us in an ungodly way. Hereby God commands and prays for us. Given on Friday after Margaret [July 15].

999. excerpt from Luther's reply to the previous one.

Here Walch brings a piece of the letter that is very poorly reported in No. 1073. We will report the entire document there in its entirety.

Luther's exhortation to the clergy, assembled at the Diet of Augsburg. Issued at the beginning of June 1530.

Already on May 12, Luther had completed this writing and sent it to Wittenberg for printing, as we can see from letter No. 7 in the appendix of this volume. On June 7, the Strasbourg emissary Jakob Sturm sent a copy from Augsburg to his home. (Virck, Straßb. Corresp., p. 451, No. 733.) The first edition appeared under the title: "Vermanung an die geistlichen versamlet auff dem Reichstag zu Augsburg, Anno. 1530. Mart. Luther. Wittemberg. I^sai. 2. dt nuno ReZos intollißito, Druckirnini ludiaos torruo." At the end, "Printed at Witlemberg, by Hans läufst. MDXXX." 8^ sheets in 4. In the same year, Joseph Klug

In 1531, another edition was published by Joseph Klug in Wittenberg, the same by Georg Wachter in Nuremberg, also two without indication of place and year. In 1531, another edition was published by Joseph Klug. In Magdeburg, Hans Wolther published two different editions in Low German. In the "Gesammtausgabe": in the Wittenberg (1554), vol. VII, p. 446; in the Jena (1566), vol. V, p. 76; in the Altenburg, vol. V, p. 201; in the Leipzig, vol. XX, p. 146; in the Erlangen, I. Aufl" vol. 24, p. 330 and 2nd ed. vol. 24, p. 358. According to the latter give only the text.

To the entire clergy of Augsburg, assembled at the Diet of Augsburg in 1530, Martin Luther's admonition.

Grace and peace from God our Father and the Lord Jesus Christ! Even though it is not my duty to appear personally at this Diet, and even if I had to or should appear, there could be nothing of use there, as there would be nothing in such splendor and business: I have nevertheless resolved to be among you in writing about my spiritual presence (which I want to prove with all my heart, through prayer and supplication to my God, diligently and honestly with God's help), and with this silent and weak message.

(2) And this because my conscience drives me to ask, implore and exhort you all kindly and cordially, that you do not miss this Diet nor abuse it in vain; for God gives you grace, space, time and cause, through our most gracious Lord Emperor Carolum, to create and accomplish much and great good with this Diet, if you alone would. And now, of course, as St. Paul says in 2 Cor. 6:1, 2: "I urge you not to receive the grace of God in vain. For he says: I have heard you in the pleasant time, and have helped you in the day of salvation. Behold, now is a pleasant time, and a day of salvation", for you most of all. And we see and hear how all men's hearts gape and wait for this kingdom day, with great hope that it shall be good.

3) But if this Diet (for which God is graciously pleased) should be dissipated without end and not something righteous should be arranged, and

1) In the original: genehmen.

If all the world has now been put off and teased for a long time with imperial congresses and conciliis, and all hope has failed and been in vain, it is to be feared that despair would come of it, and everyone would grow weary of putting off and waiting, and the vain long gazing would make impatience and bad blood. For it cannot and may not stand longer as it now stands, especially with yourselves and with your status and nature; you know and feel this better than I can tell you; so I also do herewith what I do for your good, for the sake of peace and unity.

(4) But whether some might sourly regard my presumption in this, and pretend: Who may be yours? Who has ever desired your admonition or letter? There are so many learned and pious people here who know how to advise the matter better than you fool etc. Well, I will gladly believe that, and God help that everything is true. 2) I would like to have my presumption punished and condemned; but this is also true: One cannot do too much of a good thing, and often a fool has given better advice than many wise men; and again, wise men have commonly done the greatest harm on earth, especially when they have relied on their wisdom and have not also acted with the fear of God and asked for divine help and mercy with a humble heart.

(5) Of which all histories are full of examples, both in the Scriptures and out of the Scriptures; and if there were no other example, it would be felt in your own example. For you have tried your wisdom in this matter for ten years, with so many kingdom days, with so much advice, with so many tricks and practices, with so much comfort and hope, yes, also with violence and anger, with murder and punishment, that I have seen my wonder and sorrow in you; yet nowhere has it gone where you would like it to go. All this means that wisdom, without the fear of God and humble prayer, has wanted to master such great things by itself, and has been disgraced by its presumption. And will you not yet fear and humble yourselves before God?

2) In the original: zewarten.

If you are not so serious in asking God for help and advice, you will not be able to do anything, even if you are as wise as King Solomon, for it is written in 1 Peter 5:5: "God resists the proud, but gives grace to the humble.

(6) But we, on our side, pray diligently, and also know the right way to pray, by God's grace; we are also certain that our prayer will be heard pleasantly and for us; both of which (I worry) may do little on your part. We have also begun to pray earnestly for you, so that God Almighty may once enlighten your hearts and move them to fear His Word and to act humbly toward Him. Such prayer is pleasant for us, we know that; but God help that you do not stiff-neckedly oppose it, and that our prayer must return to our bosom, as lost and despised by you. For we see that the devil wants to come here with the Turk, and is stirring up one mob after another for this purpose, and would like to push it all to the ground; should you then also remain obdurate and stiff-necked, as before, that would be too much and all the more infallible.

(7) And first of all, you must not do anything on account of me and mine; for the right helper and councilor has brought us and our cause so far, and has placed it where it should remain, and since we also want to leave it, that we do not need an imperial council, a council, or a master for ourselves, nor do we want any from you, since we know that you are not able to do it better, or even so well. For we are about to come under Turks or Tatars, under Popes or devils, so our cause is certain that we know how to believe and live, how to teach and do, how to suffer and pray, how to heal and die, where to wait for, fetch and find everything, and where we should finally stay, according to the words of St. Paul, Rom. 8:28: To the elect the Spirit creates all things for their good. God has abundantly given us this through Christ our Lord, and it is already known and confirmed through the blood and suffering of many pious people (killed by your part); not that we are perfect, but that we are not perfect.

We have the right rule (as St. Paul says Phil. 3,16.), the right way, and the right beginning before us, and nothing is lacking in doctrine, life be what it may.

(8) But for you and for the poor people, who are still completely undone among you, or who are ever uncertain, we care for them, and would gladly help here with prayers and admonitions, as best we can. For I am afraid that you will forget your office and your humility towards God, and that you will tighten the strings too hard and ride the willing horse too much, so that again a rebellion will arise, so that both of us will be in misery and distress with you, as happened before. For you still know beyond all doubt how, before the uprising, the Speirische Reichstag was announced with such glorious, comforting hope that all the world gaped with great eagerness and waited heartily for things to turn out well. But your counsel was full of wisdom, and caused the same Diet to be dully, shamefully and disgracefully proclaimed. Then the ruthlessness came, namely the mint with the riot, and gave you a shilling, which you have not yet overcome, and unfortunately we have even greater damage from it. That is to say, everything was done by force and with one's own mind.

So, at Worms, the noble blood, our dear Emperor Carol, had to do what you wanted, and condemn me with my entire doctrine, which you yourselves have now secretly accepted in many pieces, and need, and your preachers would have nothing to preach now, where Luther's books would not be. For their book of sermons, and what used to be the clamor in the pulpit, they leave lying under the pew, and begin to preach against us about faith and good works, and the like, of which nothing was heard or known before. About this you enforced a commandment at that time to kill the Lutherans so horribly that you yourselves could not keep it nor suffer it, and it had to be changed at Nuremberg at the Imperial Diet, and some of the princes had to forbid it themselves, if they did not want to be in danger themselves with country and people.

10. this I tell, not to mock you

950 Erl. (2.) 24, 362-364. cap. 13. of the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1530. w. XVI, II2S-II27. 951

or mockery (for I have otherwise smelled you too high), but to ask you cordially, and to admonish you faithfully, that you might learn from your own experience and misfortune, to leave off defiance and anger, violence and insistence, and to act toward God with fear and humility, and, putting aside your presumption, to seek His help and mercy with earnest prayer. Verily, verily, the things are too great, human wisdom and power are far too small for this; God must help, otherwise trouble will come. 1) That is certain, for if you want to persist in your defiance and insistence, then you should know that the spirit of the mint is still alive, and more powerful and dangerous to my concern than you can believe or understand now. It is more valid for you than for us, although he is more hostile to us than to you; but we have a defiance against him, praise be to God forever. Would to God you had the same, namely the pure word and righteous prayer.

(11) You also know how faithfully and firmly we have stood against all the spirits of the mobs; and if I could boast, I would almost say that we have been your patrons, and that it is our business that you have remained what you still are. And if we had done so, 2) I fear, indeed, that your scholars would have been too weak in the matter, and that the enthusiasts and hooligans would soon have taught you otherwise. For this reason they are more hostile to us than to you, and blame us as those who crawl to the cross and recant. We must suffer this and learn the proverb: He who helps another from the gallows would gladly carry him up. The ruffians would not have known how to attack the pope; but now that they have been freed by our help and eat our bread, they trample us underfoot, as Christ says of his betrayer Judah [John 13:18, Psalm 41:10].

12. but some will say here. Yes, this is all your fault, you started it, and these are the fruits of your teaching etc. Well, I have to suffer that, I know well, that

1) Otherwise, this proverb has the form: "Uebel wird Aergeres. St. Louis Edition, Vol. X, 365, s 11.

2) That means: had we not been there. On this idiom, compare St. Louis edition, vol. V, 877, § 188; 1191, s 28 and the note to the latter passage.

They say this about me, but again, I know many devout people among you who know that it is not true. So the work stands there in the day, my strong witnesses, that the red spirits have always despised my doctrine and persecuted it more than your doctrine, and I have also had to stand up stronger against them and defend myself harder than I ever did against the pope; how then can it have come from my doctrine? Or why has not such unwillingness arisen among my people, since I myself preach and teach daily, since it should be the first and highest evil, where such evil should come from my teaching?

13) Have you forgotten that the German nobility at Worms presented four hundred pieces to the imperial majesty, in which they complained about the 3) clergy, and said freely: if the imperial majesty did not want to abolish such things, then they wanted to do it themselves, because they could no longer suffer it? What do you think? If this had been done (as the rebels then began to do), and if only one preacher had stood up to advise it, where would you clergymen be now? In bus correptam! Now at that time my doctrine was in force, and had not started a riot or run up to it, but had taught the people to keep peace and to obey the authorities; and where it had not been, the clergy would certainly have made quite a fuss. Now my teaching must have done it. But such thanks are due to me, nor do I desire any other; so it has been with all the prophets and apostles and Christ himself.

Item 14: Have you also forgotten how my teaching was such a delicious thing among all of you at first? since all the bishops were quite happy to see that the pope (who was too hard on the monastery) was controlled a little of his tyranny; then they could watch me finely, listen, sit quietly and lurk how they would like to get their episcopal authority whole again. Luther was a fine teacher who attacked indulgences so honestly. For at that time the bishops and parish lords had to suffer that a monk or a foreign bad boy with the letters of indulgence in his monastery and parish had been through and through.

3) Original: "the". One edition offers: "von der Geistlichen Beschwerung".

They were driven through a shameful drudgery, and were not allowed to rebel against it. There was no doctor in all the high schools or monasteries who would have known or been allowed to encounter such filth, and Luther was the dear child, and swept the monasteries and parishes from such a Treudelmarkt, and held the bishops to the riser so that they looked again, and threw a block in the way of the pope; why was this also not rebellious among you?

15 And afterwards, since I attacked the monastic life, and the monks have now become fewer, I have not yet heard any bishop or parish priest crying about it, and I know that no greater service has ever been done to the bishops and parish priests than that they have thus been rid of the monks; and I truly fear that there will now hardly be anyone in Augsburg who will take care of the monks, and ask that they be restored to their former state. Yes, the bishops will not suffer that such wanzken and lice should again be put into their furs, are glad that I have loused their furs so clean; although, to tell the truth, the monks had to govern the churches under the pope, and the bishops did nothing about it, but let themselves be called Junker. Now I have not destroyed the monks with rebellion, but with my doctrine, and the bishops like it well, they would not have been able to do it with all the power of kings, nor with all the art of high schools; why do they not consider this rebellious? Well, it pleases them too much that the monks are down, and thus the pope has almost lost a whole hand; and yet they know no thanks to Luther, whose teaching they so wonderfully need in this piece.

(16) And because I have just come to the conclusion that people have forgotten how things were in the world before my teaching began, and now no one ever wants to have done nothing wrong, I must pull out the old vestments and put their forgotten virtue before the eyes of the clergy, so that they may see, or remember again, what would have been in the world if our gospel had not come, and we may also see for our comfort how many wonderful fruits the word of God has borne. And let us begin at the very place where my teaching began, namely, indulgences.

From indulgences.

17 If our gospel had done nothing else but this, that it has redeemed the consciences from the shameful abomination and idol of indulgences, it should still be known that it is God's word and power. For all the world must confess that no human wisdom would be able to do this, since no bishop, no foundation, no monastery, no doctor, no high school, nor I myself at that time, and in sum, no reason understood or knew this abomination, much less knew how to control it or attack it, but had to approve it all, and let it go for good, wholesome doctrine, even the dear bishops and popes confidently took money from it, and let it go, namely:

1) That they sold indulgences for the divine grace that forgives sin, thereby denying and blaspheming Christ's blood and death, together with the Holy Spirit and the gospel.

2) That they thereby falsely sold the souls out of purgatory, to great dishonor of divine majesty itself; but carried the amount of money.

3) That they thereby appointed the pope as God in heaven, who could command the angels to lead the pilgrims' souls, who died on the Rome journey, to heaven.

4) The Gospel, which is the only true indulgence, had to be silent in the churches before the indulgence.

5) That they defrauded the whole world of immeasurable money through it and abused it with insolent avarice and lies, as if they wanted to get against the Turk.

6) For they always put down the letters of indulgence given before for the sake of the new ones, and always took up the old indulgences in the churches for the sake of the new ones, and played with the golden year, after which they wanted money; yes, against the Turk!

7) And also the larva of the golden year is a pure poem and loose lies, to corrupt the faith of Christ, and the daily golden year of Christ, and yet deceived countless thousands of souls with it, and the people to run to Rome shamefully deceived, cheated of money and property, with lost toil and food in addition.

8) That they sold in indulgences good works of the whole Christianity, in addition to absolution,

as something special, which the gospel gives before and always to the whole world for free, so that the consciences were deceived from the gospel and from Christ to works of men.

9) That they praised indulgences more highly than all good works of love.

10) That they put the merit of the saints, as remaining for themselves, to the treasure of indulgences, as if Christ's suffering were not sufficient for the forgiveness of all sins; which again corrupts faith in Christ.

11) That they finally exalted indulgences so high that they taught that if someone had slept with the Mother of God, it would have been forgiven through indulgences.

12) That they taught that if the penny was in the box, the soul would go to heaven.

13) That one must not have remorse and sorrow to obtain the indulgence, it would be enough that one put in the money now.

14) That Saint Peter himself could not give greater grace than the indulgence was.

Now, where did the immense money, treasure and goods go that were stolen so long ago through indulgences and acquired so shamefully?

18 Who wants to tell all the abominations that indulgences alone have caused in all monasteries, convents, churches, chapels, chapels, altars, pictures, panels, even in almost all houses and chambers, and where there was only money, as a real mighty idol? One would have to read anew the books that are written against it at ten years. Now say, dear sirs, to this unspeakable thievery and robbery of money, and to such an incomprehensible multitude of deceived hearts and consciences, and to such a most terrible, atrocious lie and blasphemy of the passion of Christ, of the Gospel, of the graces and of God Himself, committed through indulgences, you clergy are all guilty, not only those who have taken the money from it, but also those who have kept silent about it and willingly watched such devilish rages. They say of riots, of monastery seizures, of Turks; yes, what are such pieces all by themselves against you indulgences, if one only wanted to consider it? It is quite a Turkish

Army has been against the right Christian faith.

19. But who is there among you all who has ever repented of such terrible abominations, who has ever sighed, or who has ever wetted an eye? Yes, you, as the stubborn impenitents, have never done anything wrong, now come to Augsburg and persuade us that the Holy Spirit is with you and will do great things through you (who have done nothing but harm to Christianity all your lives), and then quickly lead you to heaven, with all such unpunished abominations, which have been defended, as if he should be glad that you have served your God the belly so gloriously and devastated his church so miserably. Therefore you have no happiness, nor shall you have any more, you repent and mend your ways. Well then, this is one of the larvae; so it stood and went in the piece before my teaching came. That it is no longer so is the fault of my rebellious gospel. The indulgence is followed by the other fair, called Confessionalia.

From the Confessionalibus.

These were the butter letters, in which the pope sold freedom to eat butter, cheese, milk, eggs, and gave power to hear mass in the house, and to marry in a forbidden member, and to choose a confessor as often as he wished, to release from chastisement and guilt in life and in death, and the like. Dear, was this not also a blasphemous fair in all the world, all invented for the sake of money? Just as if God had not given all such things freely to the world through the Gospel before, or as if God had forbidden it, and they were the giants who wanted to sell God's commandments for money. The Gospel had to be nothing, and God had to be their merchant. This drudgery, fair and blasphemy was also overthrown by the rebellious gospel, but now all is forgotten; and there is no bishop or clergyman who would be sorry or in need of forgiveness before God. Nor was there any bishop or doctor here who would have punished such a thing, but all were silent and approved. Well then, let us also see whether God will allow Himself to be fooled as they think.

956 Erl. (2.) 24.3SS-371. sec. 6. papal confutation. No. 1000. W. XVI. II33-II3S. 957

From confession.

(21) Your books are still there, in which you have set and taught confession, which I count as one of the greatest plagues on earth, so that you have confused the consciences of all the world, made so many souls despair, and weakened and dampened everyone's faith in Christ. For you have not told us anything about the consolation of absolution, which is the main and best part of confession, which also strengthens faith and trust in Christ, but you have made it a work to strengthen your tyranny with commandments forced by force on unwilling hearts, and then to make them fear, torture and scourge you with the recounting of all their sins, that is, with impossible work to disturb the peace and tranquility of the heart forever. But when will you bring back all such souls and repay the murderous, groundless damage? My gospel has also justified such confession and strengthened the stupid consciences again, since no bishop, doctor, nor high school knew anything about it, and now they have neither remorse nor sorrow for such misery.

Of repentance.

(22) This is the basic soup and hell itself; and if all abominations were forgiven and given to you, this piece can never be forgiven. This piece has filled hell, and disturbed the kingdom of Christ more horribly than the Turk or the whole world can ever do. For so you have taught us that by our work we should do enough for sin, even against God. And that means atoning for sin. Nowhere have you given so much to repentance and confession, although you have also made work of it. What is it then that you must atone for your sin, but this much: you must deny Christ, revoke your baptism, blaspheme the gospel, tell lies against God, not believe in the forgiveness of sin, trample underfoot Christ's blood and death, profane the Holy Spirit, and go to heaven by yourself with such virtues? Ah, where are the tongues and voices that may speak enough of this?

1) ichts -something.

(23) Now what is such faith but the faith of the Turks, and of the Gentiles, and of the Jews, which all also will suffice by their works? But how is it possible for a soul not to despair, if it has no other consolation against sin than its own works? All this you cannot deny; your books exist in which nothing of faith is taught, neither in confession nor repentance, but only your own works. There is still no bishop or clergyman here who would leave a tear for such horrible, infernal blasphemy of Christ, but are pure and sure, meanwhile call us rebels, and strangle the marriage apostles, even against their own right; are angry that the Lutherans do not stand as if they were fasting, as they do, nor wear plates; and defy the eternal God for all their inhuman wickedness.

From this abomination came, and must have come, and there was no defense, all other abominations, namely, as much of the monasteries and monastery's own sanctity, with their worship, the sacrificial masses, purgatory, vigils, brotherhoods, pilgrimages, indulgences, fasting, holy service, sanctuary, poltergeists, and the whole procession of the infernal cloister. For how is it possible otherwise? If a conscience is to sit down and build itself on its works, then it sits on a loose sand that rides and calls 2) on and on, and must seek works, always one after the other, the longer the more, until one finally put on monk's caps for the dead, in which they should go to heaven. Dear Lord God, how should poor consciences do? They had to build on works, that is why they had to search so miserably, and catch what they could find, and fall into such deep foolishness.

(25) Above this, by such shameful teaching, all righteous good works, instituted and ordered by God, were despised, and even nullified, as overlord, subject, father, mother, son, daughter, servant, maid; these were not called good works, nor did they belong to repentance, but were called a worldly being, a dangerous state, and a lost work. So this piece has both, Christian and worldly, in it.

2) So the original. Jenaer: reiset. - Maybe: trickles?

They gave neither God nor the emperor what was due to them, but invented a new and own one, which is neither this nor that, and they themselves do not know what it is, because there is no word of God in it; as Moses says that they serve the gods, whom they do not know. And this was not a miracle. For at that time they knew no other way to preach the gospel than to learn from it examples and good works, and no one ever heard a gospel that was drawn from Christ for the conscience's comfort, for faith and trust, as it should be, and as it is now, in praise of God, being preached again, and so the world was in the gospel, but without a gospel.

26. that they would have wisely distinguished such atonement for sin, namely, that it was done against man, not against God, as Christ indicates Matth. 7, 12. and 18, 15. as the holy fathers also used it in the past, and the Christians who had sinned had atoned for it before the church and the brethren, as the words indicate, that they had done penance for two, three, seven years. 2c, Christ would have remained with his sufficiency for us in heaven. But with this, the services in monasteries and convents, and indulgences (as said above) would not have arisen, and not so much would have happened to the great God of the belly. Therefore, they had to mix it up, and in the end, they had to bring it up before God alone, even though this error has challenged Christianity from the beginning, even through great people, such as Origen, St. Jerome, St. Gregory, but not so much as to come into the regiment, and to God's chair, as happened under the Pope. For this error has been the oldest from the beginning of the world, and will probably remain the youngest until the end of the world. Let us now recount some of the things that have come to pass.

First of all from the purchase fair or angle fair.

27 Here you yourselves know, dear lords, what a shameful fair you have made of the sacrament; this has been your common handiwork, that you daily celebrate so many thousands of masses all over the world.

money, one for a penny, one for eight pennies, one for six pennies etc. And no excuse or denial helps here. For even if you did not call it a sale, you know that in fact it was nothing other than a sale. It was done for money; if there was no money, the masses remained. This sin alone is so horrible that it would be no wonder if God had let all the world become Turks over it, or sink into the abyss, and it is a great wonder to me that God has tolerated it so long. It is an incomprehensible patience, even though the wrath has not been restrained. Well then, this you have done, and so it was with you before our gospel came; do not adorn yourselves so much, it is so nearly in the day that even at that time you were afraid of it, and nevertheless let it go, and it did not have to be called news.

28 Now your scholars want to clean themselves up, and they pull out old canons and sayings of the fathers, that the mass is called a sacrifice with them. Clean yourself, dear kitten, you may well; if you lead long canons and sayings, what is the use? We are talking here about the Masses for Sale and the Masses for Angles; and the canons talk about the common or Communicant Mass, and they push violently toward communicating. The purchase masses do not do this, and rhyme with the common or communicant mass like a secret priest's whore with a pious, honest, public bride. They know how to conduct the canons so finely, the scholars. And what is even finer, the old canons separate sacrificing and communicating finely from each other; thus they mix them even more finely into each other. For in the beginning of Christianity, when they wanted to celebrate mass, they kept the old law, and the Christians brought firstfruits on the altar of all kinds of fruit, including milk, honey, apples and pears etc. The priest then offered this, as Moses commanded the Jews, hence the office was called a sacrifice for a long time afterward. But after that the communiciren began, or sacrament act; they are not called sacrificing, but communiciren. But our masses of sale make an offering out of the sacrament, and omit communicating.

29 Now I must speak to you, dear sirs, who cry out that Ulan should not allow any novelty: Tell me, is not the buying fair a shameful novelty? Why then have you allowed it to arise, and do you still protect it? Yes, if you should not have allowed any novelty, dear, what and how much would be found with you now that is in the old Canonibus and Fathers? I would almost put it in a nutshell, if your news had filled the world.

30 I will say more: What has been your church state before our Gospel, but vain daily news, one over the other, in addition with heaps like a cloudburst torn in; there has one St. Annam erected, the St. Christophe, the St. Georgen, the St. Barbara, the St. Bastian, the St. Catharin, the probably 14 Nothhelfer, and who alone will tell such new saint services? Aren't they news? Where were there bishops and shriekers who should not allow such things? So further: one erected the rosary, the other the crown of Mary, the other the psalter of Mary, the latter ten little paternoster stones at the doors, the former St. Bridget's prayer, the latter this prayer, the latter the prayer, and of these without all number and measure, and all books full; where was there a bishop or doctor who would have looked upon such novelty a little askance?

So with the pilgrimages, there were new ones every day, to Grimmethal, to the oak, pear tree, to Regensburg, and so many Our Lady's; there was almost no chapel or altar, a pilgrimage wanted to rise there, and the people ran, as if they were mad, out of service and obedience, that one could grasp it, it would be the devil's ghost; still bishops and monasteries and high schools were silent. And if our Gospel had not come, there would have been no room or place left for pilgrimage. And was this not a special, masterful fraud with our Lord's skirt at Trier? as the same shameful lie was revealed afterwards. What did all the Lutheran novelties do against this fraud and mischievousness? But there was no one here who could declare or even denounce news, but Luther, who denounces and punishes such news, brings up new things.

How daily and in many ways does the indulgence alone renew itself? How many new brotherhoods were established by priests and monks through all crafts, through all saints' names? Every day they sold letters of brotherhood, and gave their good works and holy life for money, sold vigils, anniversaries, masses with pomp for the money. Some of them invented the Golden Masses, some the Five Masses, some the Masses of this and that kind, which also had no number, of which, however, nothing is found in the old fathers. I will be silent here about the sanctuary, help God, how there were new things over new things; and among them such coarse, tangible lies: about the holy cross, about many whole bodies of one saint, about many fingers of one saint, until one also honors St. Francisci Niederwat 1) and women's hair for St. Catharine's hair. Summa, there was no end nor measure here, that you yourselves made a laughter out of it at last; still it went unpunished, and no bishop saw anything new here.

But if I were to come to the pulpit and the preaching chair, it would become all the more groundless; there the monks preached daily their new visions, dreams and thoughts, new miracles and examples, and no measure of them. No monk, when he had been a preacher for two or three years, made a new book of sermons; this had to rule the preaching chair for a while, and the world was full of such books, and yet there was nothing in them about Christ and faith, but everything about our works, merit and devotion, with many false, harmful 2) examples. But if they did their best in it, it was to be called by the saints, and not to forget their order, until they exemplified the holy, noble person, the Virgin Mary, to all the world as a mediatrix of poor sinners, even against her Son Christ Himself. For we all know with one another, and I am as well versed in this as anyone else, that we were taught to hold Mariam badly in Christ's stead and office,

1) Niederwad Hosen. See St. Louis edition, vol. VIII, 391, § 285 and the note to it. In draft, Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, vol. I, p. 105: "Sannt Franciscus Niderclaid".

2) Erlanger: shameful.

held Christ to be our wrathful judge, and Mary to be our mercy seat, where all our comfort and refuge lay, if we would not otherwise despair. Was this not a terrible news? Where were the bishops here who punished such new blasphemers and betrayers of Christ, who took away Christ's office and gave it to Mary? who taught us to flee from Christ, and to fear him as we would the master of the sticks, and to turn our confidence, which we owe to him as the right service of God, elsewhere; we have learned vain idolatry from the betrayers.

The doctors in the high schools, who had nothing else to do, helped to think up new opinions, one above the other, and one would not have been a doctor with special honor if he had not come up with something new; but their best was that they despised the holy Scriptures and left them under the bench. What Biblia, Biblia! they said, Biblia is a heretic book, one must read the Doctores, there one finds it. I know that I am not lying here, for I grew up among them and have seen and heard all this from them. Scotus writes that one cannot prove from Scripture this article, descendit ad inferos, my dear master, writes that one cannot prove from Scripture that a man needs God's grace for good works; these are the best two, what should the others do? Thomas Aquinas, teacher of all teachers (the preachers say otherwise), freely says that to become a monk is as much as to be baptized. Thus one should honor Christ's blood and death. This is not yet a novelty, and he is canonized by the pope and all the bishops.

35 Summa, it was lamentation and heartache with preaching and teaching; all the bishops were still silent, and saw nothing new, who could now see a new mosquito in the sun. And so all things stood so desolate and wild with vain discordant doctrines and strange new opinions that no one could any longer know what was certain or uncertain, what was a Christian or an un-Christian. The old doctrine of the faith of Christ, of love, of prayer, of the cross, of consolation in afflictions, lay in ruins; indeed, there was no doctor in all the world,

who would have known the whole Catechism, that is, the Lord's Prayer, ten commandments and faith, let alone that they should understand and teach it; as it is now, praise God, taught and learned, even by young children. I refer to all their books, both theologians and jurists. If one will be able to learn a piece of the catechismi from it rightly, then I will let myself be wheeled and wheeled. Nothing new had to be there yet, but this must be new.

Yes, you say, these pieces are now accepted and in daily use; but yours is quite new. Dear, tell me, how old is the St. Anne's devotion? How old is the rosary, the crown of Mary? How old are the Barefoot Paternoster stones at the doors and gates and in all corners? How old is the pilgrimage to Grimmenthal, Regensburg, the skirt of Trier, and so much more? Were they not new ten, twenty, forty years ago? but who held against the novelty at that time? Let my gospel continue so long, what does it matter, it shall also grow old. Yes, your new gospel is right, but it has a peculiar novelty about it that is not good. What is that? The canons of Magdeburg say, "It does harm in the bag and in the kitchen. Out loud! said that servant, that would be good German for once, one could understand that; if I had known that before! Why do we lose so many words so far? Well then, let us conclude here in secret conciliation that new doctrine means what harms the bag and the kitchen; old doctrine means what fills the bag and the kitchen. O dear, now write and seal it, we will send it to the Diet in Augsburg, and hear what the gentlemen say about it.

God knows that I do not tell you these things to dishonor you; I am not helped by your destruction. I would rather it were better for you. But this you can well consider yourselves, where you want to forget such abominations, in addition still adorn and clean yourselves, then people will be present, who do not forget it, and will perhaps act uncleanly enough from it. For such impudent sacrilege is not to be suffered that news should be called what you want, but what you do not want should not be called news, to suppress the true-

against your own conscience. This would bring us back to the beginning of the matter, and afterwards we would be worse with you than before. Although it is frightening that one should intend to hide such misery, and still justify himself over it, and blaspheme and persecute others; this is a sign of a hardened, impenitent heart, and that you must soon perish, since no sin offends and perverts God more than when one wants to deny, adorn and hide public wickedness, as Cain and Saul did. Not so, dear sirs, do not do so; yet some of you give glory to God; confess that you have done evil in such matters; humble yourselves, and he will exalt you; ask, and he will forgive you; amend, and he will help you.

38 If, however, you will not humble yourselves, but want to have such things buried, silent, unpunished and unpunished, and still persecute the poor Lutherans over it, and take it into your mind to dampen them, then we will watch you. If a plague comes upon you (as it cannot be otherwise), then remember that you have been sufficiently warned; you shall not be the first to overthrow God, that I truly know. I mean it heartily and faithfully, if I may move some of you, because I hope that there are still a lot or two in your Sodoma; the others, who remain unrepentant, should not only not recognize such abominations, so that they have deserved death more than a thousand times over, but also strangle, drown, hang, burn etc. the innocent (who do not want to praise such vices and shame), as they do honestly.

39. too many things will fall to me now, I will come back to the angular measurements, and save the abominations that now occur to me here, until I see how you want to improve yourselves, or clean yourselves and burn yourselves white 1) on this imperial day; so then we will come with your right color, and offer you proficiat 2) if God wills.

40. enough of the fair of the merchant monkeys this time. Well, if they do not ver-

1) In the original: Hawthorns.

2) xroüolat - wohl bekomm's!

You teach and hold it as a sacrifice and work to serve God, and both for us and others, living or dead, for sin, and most of all for the dead, as we all know that the Mass must fight against Purgatory almost for the dead. My suffragan bishop, when he made me a priest and put the chalice in my hand, did not speak otherwise than thus: Accipe potestatem sacrificandi pro vivis et mortuis. That the earth did not swallow us both was wrong, and God's patience was too great. The living had this because they believed that whoever saw a mass during the day would be cured, safe and blessed; this was the best and meanest custom of the masses, you cannot deny; therefore ask all merchants, and what had to go over the fields, and all pious citizens in cities, least of all about the Rorate mass.

Is this not a frightening novelty? Do not your ancient Canons Apostolorum say that no one should be at Mass who does not want to communicate or receive the Sacrament? Has not Christ appointed to receive and to remember him, to strengthen faith in him, saying: "Do this in remembrance of me"? But ye keep silence from such remembrance, neither suffer them to do it, nor receive it; neither teach, nor exhort to faith, as Christ hath instituted; Let it be said that the minister has seen the mass, which you meanwhile offer secretly, and thus let the poor spectator's lies and false confidence remain in his heart, as if he had done well by watching, and had approved nothing everywhere of the sacrament, neither bodily nor spiritual, as Christ would have it, and his apostles after him. I say it again, you complain that you are being deprived of foundations and monasteries; for the sake of such abominations and blasphemous abuse of the masses, foundations and monasteries should be dealt with as Josiah, the king of Judah, dealt with the altars at Bethel, so that not one stone would remain from another; that would be just and right, if you do not want to improve yourselves in this.

You cry out, "What good has come from Luther's new teaching? I must

ask you again: Tell me, what good has remained with you? You have left not a single piece uncorrupted. You have disgraced the mass, our one supreme treasure, with innumerable idolatries and abominations (as you have heard), and have trampled underfoot the proper Christian custom, disturbed the faith, and silenced the word. Baptism has remained with children, though clumsily and industriously enough; but as soon as the child has grown up and come to his senses, you have quickly strangled him, worse than the Turk does, and taken away his baptism again by your tiresome repentance and doctrine of works, so that he learns to despise his baptism, now lost and nullified by sin, and henceforth to seek blessedness by his own works; just as if baptism had been a transient work of man, as the Anabaptists teach, and not an eternal covenant of God. Tell me here, what good has remained with you? I will be silent as to what good has come of it, since we cannot keep our baptism, sacrament, gospel, faith and Christ before you, because you have taught nothing right, but everything against baptism, sacrament, repentance; that is in the day.

43 Among Turks, the advantage is that if someone is baptized, he is not taught against his baptism, but the evil Turkish nature and example is dangerous and annoying. And even if one rebels against baptism, it is good to resist, because the Turk is not a Christian and is despised by a Christian with his teaching. But here with you, not only is the example and nature dangerous, but you also teach against it, and storm against it with words and works, and do this under the name of Christ, as the dear fathers of souls and friends of baptism. This cuts like a sharp shearing knife, as the Psalm [Ps. 52:4] says; which also St. Peter complains about you 2 Pet. 2:18: "They speak glorious words when there is nothing behind them, and by fornication provoke to carnal lust those who had rightly escaped, and now must walk in error."

44 But the good that came out of my teaching is that all your abominations and blasphemies are brought to pass and condemned, which is too much and great a good; even so

much more good comes out of it daily, as will follow; but with you all good is corrupted, and nothing remains.

From the spell.

(45) You know first of all the great robbery and sacrilege, that you have usurped the great ban called excommunicatio major (which belongs to the temporal authorities), until popes also took it upon themselves to depose emperors, kings and princes, and to make themselves temporal emperors. Let it be said to you, dear sirs, that this is not right; let your ban be called the small one, which does not confine the world, but heaven, and separates from Christendom and Sacrament, as Christ Matthew 18, v. 17, says: "Hold him as a Gentile" etc., and St. Paul 1 Cor. 5, 12: "What do I care for those who are outside?" etc. If other pieces were to be mended, this would also have to be mended, for God does not like any sacrifice or service that comes from robbery, as Isaiah [Cap. 61, 8.] says.

46. over this is the custom of the ban, and it should be that the public vices are punished, as robbery, adultery, fornication, murder, hatred, usury, usury, item, heresy, blasphemy and the like, as our Lord Christ teaches, Matth. 18, v. 17, that the ban should go over those who do not want to obey the church or its congregation; so the church does not teach otherwise than God's word etc.

Now tell us, what good and old things have remained with you from the ban? What new harmful abuses have not arisen here? I will keep silent that you have banned, cursed, damned and strangled innocent, pious people for heretics. The ban is nowhere to be used except to collect interest and debt, and to cause much misery to poor people. For you know to some extent what the knaves, officials and commissioners have done here, and we will hereafter (if you do not do so at this Diet) set you a calendar of such virtue, so that you may grasp that we have understood your abuse in this, and denounce it to the whole world.

48 But in the place where the ban was to have its proper power and use, it has been a pure indulgence and a blessing,

968 Erl. (p.) 24, 381-383. para. 6. papal confutation. No. 1000. W. XVI, U48-USI. 969

has not been cut at all, namely with the bishops, canons, even with the popes and cardinals themselves. Here I would like to hear a Canonist-Doctor, who would show me how many times, according to the Canonibus and spiritual laws, the pope, cardinals, bishops, priests, monasteries and convents are condemned and cursed for simony and other misdeeds; but who keeps them evil? The declaration stands with them, and is thus called: Whoever we want to have in the ban is in the ban; whoever we do not want to have in the ban is not in the ban. So continue, dear lords, if your will is to be called the right, then Christianity can well have such bishops and popes.

49 And I would like to know what you should be considered. You do not want to be Christians, because you do not want to suffer Christ's word and order; you also do not want to be papal, because you want to keep the canons and spiritual rights much less, as they are much more difficult to keep than the gospel. But is this not a strange new newspaper, that papists do not want to be papal, and yet pretend to be papal? want to have the churches' goods and rule, only for their own convenience, and not for the benefit of the churches; these are inconsistent things. Well, then, be epicurean and Turkish, that is what you certainly are. But because you are epicurian, and yet you are crying so miserably now that the monastery and church estates are being rapped like this, I must therefore hold a secret friendly conversation with you.

50 It is true, I also do not like that such goods are so torn apart and scattered; although the non-Lutherans do this most of all, and also have more of it than those who are called Lutheran, as this is well to be proven. And I especially dislike it where bad boys get it (as I well know) who do not deserve it; for those who work and serve faithfully, I do not want to make a conscience whether they get anything out of it. But I would like to have an answer to this, because there are obviously two kinds of monastery thieves and monastery robbers, which should be called the worst of these two. Some are external, some internal; the external ones are the wicked and unworthy, as said above; the internal ones are the evil ones.

are the bishops, canons, and monks themselves, who sit in them, namely, who abuse such properties to all immorality and fornication, and brazenly transgress their endowed status, and send large sums of money to Rome, even larger knaves, and so shamefully plunder the monasteries with it.

51 Do you not think that the emperors, kings, princes and lords who founded such bishoprics and monasteries, if they had wanted to use them to endow whorehouses or churches of robbery for the Romans, would have been so sensible that they would have taken a different attitude and would not have assigned their money and property to whores and knaves, nor to Roman thieves and robbers? Since such fellows sit in monasteries and convents, and use the goods of such persons, which the founders did not mean, nor did they want, and thus they have them against their will and foundation, consume them blasphemously and destroy them shamefully, and are cursed for it in the ban and irregulars to the highest degree: Tell me which are the worst robbers of foundations and church thieves; then you will see the pope sitting on top, together with cardinals, bishops, canons, abbots and monks; for they nowhere keep and do that for which they were founded, but straightway the contradiction, as the nonsensical ones, nevertheless take and use the goods as they want. If you can see the mote in another man's eye, and cry out about the lack of spiritual goods, you should also be shown the beam in your eye (which you do not want to see). If you can say one thing, you must also hear the other, so that you know that other people also have eyes, also feel, also smell, also hear.

52 If you now claim that yours should not be taken away from you, certainly yours should not be taken away from you, but I still want to play your spiritual right with you; it judges, banishes, curses and deposes you, and says: it is not yours; it is called deponatur. For you do not keep your pen and your law, and have thereby deposed yourselves. Therefore you have long since lost the goods according to your own right, but until now, like the damned robbers, you have held them with iniquity. For if you were to declare the deponatur per omnes personas and conju-

gireu, where would pope, cardinal, bishop and canons stay? it would certainly become a verbum impersonale, which no person would keep. But if it seems fair to you that they should be patient with you for not keeping your right, let it also seem fair to you that you should be patient with those who, as unrepentant Simonists and banished robbers, take away your goods or do not let them follow, because they have your own right here, that is, deponatur. So then, what you desire is that they should let you have what is yours, that is, fornication and fornication; but what is not yours, that is, interest and goods, they should not let you have, but take again as the robbers and thieves.

I do not want to defend anyone with this 1); each one sees for himself from what merit or cause he needs such goods. However, I make a distinction between the spiritual goods custom, against the screamers, and still say: If then the goods of the monasteries and convents are to be wickedly stolen into Rome, and outwardly consumed shamefully with harlots and knaves, and the opinion of the founders is so lacking, then I would rather that the emperors, kings, princes and lords themselves kept them outwardly, and invested them better, because that is certain, that the founders wanted to provide them with pious, chaste, Christian persons, not those who stood there and bleated, or wore hats, but those who studied, read and prayed, so that learned people could be taken from them as bishops, pastors, preachers, schoolmasters, chancellors, scribes etc., as was done in the beginning. But now they leave such office and works and despise them, even mock them and persecute them, and are under ban in many ways: so I would not weep for them, even if they lost their pay and interest. It is called Beneficium propter officium, but not Beneficium propter maleficium, which teaches your own right, and punishes it with the ban in the most horrible way, and calls it Simonias.

54 Tell me now, which pope, bishop, monastery or convent has ever repented and repented of his sins?

1) In the original (as several times later): "vertheidingt".

2) "Habich" - goshawk, hunting hawk.

Have they suffered because they have let such offices perish, or have they sought to have them restored? And yet they have used such benefices, and thus lived, two-faced church thieves and double monastery robbers, for they have not only held the goods, which are endowed to other persons, neither they are, but have also stolen from all Christendom, robbed, and hindered pious, learned, Christian bishops, pastors, preachers, and such necessary persons, whom one cannot advise, and yet they should have given, according to the opinion and will of the founders. Dear, the founders did not mean the Officia, that you wear a long skirt, choir shirt, plates, or put on cassocks and consecrated clothes; sticks and stones can also carry that; they wanted to draw people, to the Christianity for comfort and salvation.

55 If you now want to make a great fuss that the monasteries and convents should be restored to you and that everything should be restored, then it is fair to say to you again: "Dear lords, first give and restore your twofold robbery, namely persons and goods; the persons you have robbed from Christendom, the goods you have stolen from the founders. If you restore these things, so that the Officia come again in pregnancy, then the Beueficia will follow you. For Christianity is more interested in such persons than in all the goods and glory of the whole clergy. If not, it will not be a fine calculation that you alone want to calculate the expenditure, and the income to be charged; you should be called to calculate differently, and better look at your fists. You have taken the goods of the lords, to keep and to draw people with them; where are they? Calculate. Yes, it is you who let even the poor boys' schools melt away, that Christianity on all sides may be ruined by you, only that your Epicurean belly may stand firm.

(56) I have said this so that one may see what the judges of splinters gain by shaking their filth. Therefore, think and ask God to help you create something good in this Diet. The things are big and heavy, and unfortunately they are deeply sunk and covered with mud, so that human strength and

-Joke may not create anything here. The ban is necessary; but Lord God, it must not cow gnats and devour camels, otherwise nothing will come of it.

(57) I am well concerned that the matters of penance, mass, baptism, faith, and works are too high for you; therefore I have little hope that you will conclude something pure in them, because your scholars themselves do not understand anything about them, and such matters must be maintained and driven without the help of men, only by Christ himself and his Holy Spirit. For also, with the exception of the first Concilium, Apost. 15, 4. ff, hardly one or two of them have acted. Therefore I will continue to ask, plead, and exhort for those things in which one may not expect special enlightenments of the Holy Spirit, but which are comprehensible and certain among all Christians, and may also be recognized almost by reason. And first of all:

Of both forms of the sacrament.

(58) Here you know well that the One Form is an annoying novelty, contrary to the clear, bright words of Christ and contrary to the old, longstanding custom of all Christendom, as all this is powerfully shown to you by many Scriptures; nevertheless, you great enemies of all novelty have not only accepted and kept the blasphemous novelty, but have also defended it with horrible raging and persecution out of sheer courage, thus tempting God to the utmost, blaspheming and condemning His word. God grant that you may well atone for it and submit your mind to His word. You cannot receive it with any Scripture; if you receive it with pure iniquity and violence against the Scripture, it will not end well in the end. And it does not help you that you standardize that nothing new should be done nor anything changed; for you have heard that this piece is a novelty, and that it is you who have brought up vain novelty and change in Christendom without ceasing. And that which is changed according to the word of God is not a novelty; let all custom give way to it, how good they are, speak your own law. Thus God and His Word are older than you are; they will also be younger and newer than we and you are, since they are eternal.

Change and govern the new, and not be changed or governed by the new or the old.

You pretend that nothing should be changed or added without the approval of the church. Who then is the church? If you are, show your seals and letters, or else prove it by deeds and fruits. Why are we not also, who are baptized as well as you? teach, preach, have the sacraments, believe, pray, love, hope, suffer more than you. Or are you the church because you impose vain news, change God's word about it, blaspheme, persecute and murder, and have monasteries and convents as church robbers? Yes, the devil's church feid ihr, dieselbige ist eine Lügnerin gegen Gottes Wort, und eine Mörderin, wie sie sieht, dass ihr Gott, der Teufel, auch ein Lügner und Mörder ist. For the right church must be the one that keeps God's word and suffers as we do (praise God), and does not murder anyone, nor lead them away from God's word. Therefore, you shall not say much to us: church, church, church; you shall make us sure that you are the church, that is the point. The devil can also say: I am God, worship me, Matth. 4, 9. The wolf can also say: I am shepherd, Matth. 7, 15. Joh. 10, 1. We ourselves know that the church should be obeyed, but we ask who and where it is?

60 God help you to amend this article; if you do not, we will still do it with God's grace, as before. And I want to say more: If it is God's will that you neglect something on this imperial day, we do not want to accept it from you as if it were right now because of your neglect and wrong until now. No, you should be far too lowly for us, that in your arbitrariness and power should stand when and how long God should be true or a liar, and when or how long his word should be right or wrong; for that would have been too high, and according to end-Christian hope would have raised you above God and his word, and revoked all our teachings and doings; But we want to force it from you by God's word, and to have driven it from you as blasphemers, persecutors and murderers, that you humble yourselves before God, confess your sin, murder and blasphemy against God's word, and amend it, as those who have done wrong up to now, persecuted God's word, and are innocent.

blood. We want to have such sin and vice unconcealed, and not consent to it with silence and blankets, and make ourselves partakers of such abominations, or want to put on full what is there, and want to stand it out with you, at God's word, which you are pursuing. For, as I said in the beginning, we have no need of your Diet and no need to close it; we stand where we stand without your help, even against your raging and fury; but for your sake and for the sake of the poor people, we hereby do what we do, if only you or some of you could help and advise the people, to the glory of God and the benefit of Christendom.

From the Unmarried Status.

61 Celibacy, that is, the celibate state or forbidden marriage (as you know), is also one of your papal novelties, against the eternal word of God and against the old blessed custom of Christianity, also against the creature and creation of God Himself; thus the prophecy of Daniel on the 11th, v. 37, is fulfilled, when he speaks of your king: "He will respect neither God nor the love of women. It must ever be a great vice (not to love women), because the prophet here indicates it as a special abomination of the end-Christ, next to idolatry. The old translatio has: erit in concupiscentiis foeminarum: he will be in love with women. But this would not be an end-Christian virtue, but would have to say: Lrit in concupiscentiis masculorum, although he also means the same when he says: Affectum erga mulieres non curabit, which is the correct text.

(62) Gentlemen, if you want to be pious and do good, in this piece force yourselves to repent of all the desolate, unspeakable misery of fornication of all kinds in all the world, which has arisen from this cursed papal novelty 1), which also lies on the neck of all of you and remains lying there, if you do not do it and change it. You hear here that it is an end-scriptural scourge and plague to despise the love of women, that is, to despise marriage.

1) Marginal gloss: In the past, the canons were harshly opposed to the pope, especially those of Menz, and in Erfurt they would almost have slain their archbishop. Viäs ONron. OsrinuniaS.

For God created women to honor and help man, therefore he wants such love to be unbidden and unregarded. The flesh and the devil teach us to use women only for dishonor, to disgrace one after the other, as your new, laudable, celibate (I would almost have said dishonorable) state has done so far, and still does. This does not mean to love women, but to love and seek fornication and disgrace in women, and to hold them not as women, but as whores, and to respect them, so that no one may love or value them from now on. But God wants them to be held and respected like women, and to do this gladly and with love, that is, to have them conjugally and to remain with them with conjugal love. This pleases God, but it is art and grace.

Do you also know that the sixth commandment is called, "You shall not commit adultery"? This commandment (like all the others) makes no distinction of person; whether they be clerical or secular, priests or laymen, they shall not commit adultery, that is, they shall not touch another man's wife. But because every man commits adultery with another man's wife, it is certain that every man admits his own wife; indeed, lest any man touch another man's wife, he compels him to have one of his own. Now, if it were true (as the dear Canons blaspheme) that a priest could not serve God by loving his own wives, then this sixth commandment would have to be badly applied, and not generally apply to all kinds of persons, and allow them to have their own wives.

(64) For so I would also say of other commandments: You must not have your own money or goods, otherwise you cannot serve God, although the seventh commandment, "You shall not steal," permits your own money and goods, but only gives away other people's goods; indeed, so that one does not steal, it is forbidden to have one's own goods. So I do not yet know whether there is greater danger of sinning with one's own money or with one's own wife. Avarice, mammon and their companions are truly powerful. But summa, it is a great deception of the Canon that he pretends that one cannot serve God with one's own wives, and yet one can serve God with one's own mammon, money, property, castles and cities. The contradiction is true, that it is better to serve God with one's own wives than with one's own

976 Erl. (2.) 24, 390-3SS. Section 6: Papal Confutation. No. 1000, W. XVI, IISS-II61. 977

Good (although none prevents a Christian). For a wife is a thing to be had, and the care of her is to be had, and she can keep herself; but money is never enough, and she careth continually without ceasing, how she may increase and keep it. Such care and love, however, are the right hindrances to the service of God; which care a woman can take from the priest, that she cares, and lets him serve God badly.

(65) Let any man also deceive himself against the fifth commandment, saying, Thou canst not have arms, guns, and other weapons, and die before God; for thou mayest slay. The fifth commandment alone commands that one should not kill, but permits arms and weapons; indeed, in order to control murder, it commands that one should have arms and weapons. But why do our celibate holy people have both money and weapons, build and fight confidently? Does not this prevent them from worship? No; but a wife must hinder them. There has been a Hans Worst who has made such a Canonem, one Hans Worst the other; nor has he blinded all the world, even all the high scholars.

But the devil wanted to do this with this canon, so that his wives would not have wives of their own, but instead of them would have wives, daughters, maids, and even sodomites, which they would not have done in marriage. So also instead of their own goods (because it is hard to acquire) they devour all the world's goods and spend them on idleness, which would remain even after they had sought and acquired their own goods. So they have forbidden weapons, that they might wield the sword of all kings and do with it what they would, which would also remain, where they should have their own alone. But it is a wonder that these three things, namely, all kinds of free fornication, all kinds of avarice and splendor, all kinds of weapons and war, do not hinder these celibate saints from serving God, and some pious wives hinder them.

67 And if all things were lacking, that pope, bishops, canons, and the people would want to live in celibacy or in whoredom and knavehood.

Although the pagan poet confesses that fools and whoremongers do not like to take wives, I hope you will have mercy on the poor priests and pastors, and let them marry, and no longer be such shameful, murderous, mad canonists or jurists as you have been up to now. For your canons stipulate that a marriage priest should be suspended, that is, deposed from office. So you have interpreted it with your rough asses and bachants that they should be hanged, drowned, stabbed, murdered and chased away; you bloodthirsty and murderous bloodhounds are so bloodthirsty that you are not ashamed to rage against and against your own right with all your might. If you will not have mercy, as I am afraid it is on your neck, and press you so much innocent blood, so much horrible vice and enormous wickedness, that God will hardly give you grace to do something else, but only this, so that you will soon provoke your destruction upon yourselves, as St. Peter says 2 Petr. 2, 18, well then, you will still do what God wants, and not what you like.

I do not know how to ask for the monks, for it is well known that you would rather that they were all for the devil, God grant that they take wives or not; and not unreasonably, for two roosters on one muck do not suffer each other. They want to have the life that you have and would like to have alone; that is not for you to suffer. Therefore let them go, the rogues; they shall not lead an episcopal nor a Roman life; it belongs only to the church and the servants of God, as you are. May God Almighty graciously do more and better than you think and provide us with you, amen. Otherwise the devil (I worry) will become abbot, and his mother abbess; without this being my hope and consolation, because you cannot live here forever, and one must always raise new priests and pastors, so (whether God wills it) the young journeymen who come after will not let themselves be bound to your great, blasphemous oaths and duties to the dishonorable 1) state and other abominations. But if the

1) Thus the original. Wittenberg and Jena: marriageless.

If parishes remain desolate, and the people without a word, and the monks are gone, you shall see how long bishops and canons, monasteries and convents shall remain. There must be parish priests, if there were neither bishop nor canon nor monks.

Until now, Christianity has been preserved without such foundation bishops and canons for so many hundred years, and it can still be preserved without them. Of course, at the last judgment no Christian soul will be able to boast or testify that in so many hundred years one of its foundation bishops has ever heard the Lord's Prayer, ten commandments, faith, or a gospel, or learned it, or felt or enjoyed some episcopal office or work. Until now, before Luther, we have lived as if we had no bishops at all, and we still have to live like that. So I know for certain that all the world must say that before Luther's teaching they had no more of their bishops than now, and now and no less than before, except for the drudgery and the estimation of money. They cannot feel nor notice whether they had bishops before, or have none now, so nothing of episcopal works and office has gone to them. That is to say, they have waited diligently for souls, and now they seek to wait again.

(70) Yes, they say, I consecrate and appoint others in our place who do this. They do not do this, but the suffragan bishop does it. He also does not observe any episcopal manner or way, for he consecrates only the sacrificial mass, does not ask a bit about how and what one should preach, and what the people need to learn; that is why he is also satisfied when the priests can hardly read a requiem, then quickly smears his Chresem on the unlearned donkeys, and has them struck off. God himself creates preachers where they are, and thereby maintains his church. For the sake of the bishops and suffragan bishops, it would have disintegrated a hundred thousand times long ago. However, that it has stood so badly up to now, and still stands, what is it but the fault of the foundation bishops, who sit in the apostle's place and in the episcopal office, and do none of these, let it all go to ruin? And now they cry out that they should be restored to their former rule; they seek the salvation of souls. It is otherwise

They have been a fine regiment, and seek the salvation of souls; yes, the devil on their heads (who also rides them), and all our misfortunes on our necks, as happened to us earlier. It is a matter of the princely meum and tuum; the episcopal office will remain with the pastors and preachers.

71 Further (they pretend), we let people study in high schools, who are capable of preaching, and then are ordained from our ranks by the suffragan bishop. That is true, unfortunately, you let them study. The Turk and the Jews do the same, they let them study; what do they give or help? You also, what do you give and help out of your endowed mammon, so that someone may study, as you are highly indebted? Yes, you are sorry that there are high schools. But there your breath stinks. You are now rid of the monks, or ever mighty, you cheerfully accept from the gospel; you would also like to be rid of the theologians and scholars, they are still in your way. If they were gone, then you would be the full masters of the pastors. After that you can again rise above kings and princes, even force the pope himself, as he could not stand you, that you bishops alone would be gods and lords on earth. 1) That is where you are going, dear sirs. Is it not true, the secret council at Mainz, 2) since I could not be there, the same quietly went on this way? So we would have the world full of donkeys, and the churches no more word, nor parish office. Oh, if you should let them study, then the benefices, which are taught in the seminaries to the high schools, become no one, he has studied before through other people's help; and if they are to become his, he must buy and pay them beforehand with a summa, and when he has now paid them, he is bound to howl and babble in the seminary, so that his studies and art do not prosper to the preaching office or the teaching office. This is how you help Christianity.

Seventy-two: But I suppose that ye shall appoint others in your stead (as ye do not) to preach and to be bishops for your sakes: hear ye well, I speak now of

1) So the Wittenbergers and the Jenaers. Erlanger: we - would be.

2) See No. 826 in this volume.

Bishops, and do not speak of orderers. A farmer or judge in the village, a city, a prince, can also appoint a preacher, is therefore not a bishop. A bishop is one who is to feed God's people. For it is written in Apost. 20,28. St. Paul's teaching to the bishops: "Take heed to yourselves, and to all the host, among whom the Holy Spirit has made you bishops, to feed the congregation of God, which he has purchased by his own blood. If you were bishops, as your name and office demand, your hair would stand on end at this saying, and you would probably be as reluctant to be foundation bishops as I am a preacher and doctor, because you would not have it much better than I and my equals. St. Paul also says: A bishop should be didacticus, 1 Tim. 3, 2. Tit. 1, 9. that is, didactic, who was always teaching. He does not mean bishops of princes, nor bishops of castles, but bishops of the church, who do the work, as (praise God!) many fine priests do now, although they do not wear pointed hats, which the bishops and Niclas bishops 1) can also wear. For that you, as bishops, should look what is rightly taught, and do not know it yourselves, that is ridiculous. Yes, unfortunately not ridiculous, because we have learned so far what good your attention has done; as the above-mentioned pieces show.

I have had to remind and admonish you, dear sirs, of all this, so that I may see how you do not fear God, and do not seek repentance or remorse for your horribly wicked ways, nor do you make a conscience of it; so that God may be greatly angered. For since we poor Lutheran wives have been taken, you let yourselves think that you have once seized a little piece of us, because you can find nothing else that you want to make use of, and thus sweat and press us so hard, that all your shameful, lewd whoring, all monastery robbery and monastery thievery, together with all the basic soup of your abominations and perverse, unbishoply abuses, deeds, vices, harm and ruin of Christendom should be hidden, covered,

1) "Niclasbischöfe", children's play bishops. Compare St. Louis edition, vol. XIX, 675, § 14 and the note to it.

2) Erlanger: all.

Be silent, beautiful and praised, so that from now on, as the pure and innocent, whom no water ever distresses, like the apostles themselves, you may refrain from all violence. But go on nicely, dear sirs, see that [you] do not lack. Do not say hui; you are not yet out of the woods. You have now seen how you can cover yourselves and adorn yourselves. But ye have not yet seen how to strip off your beautiful bellows, and therefore to paint yourselves, that ye may spit upon yourselves. Only do not insist and defy, your cause is not as good as you think.

74. If you are able to take our wives from us, whom we confess before God with a clear conscience, and before the world not as our whores, but as our wives: you will never believe how masterfully we want to clean up your whores and stolen wives, whom you and we know that you do not have with a good conscience, and who you must confess before the world as your whores, and who must be called and judged as whoremongers and whore-keepers, both before God and the world. In addition, we want to strike out your Roman Sodoma, French marriage, Venetian and Turkish brides and Florentine bridegrooms, so that you shall see and grasp that our marriage has smelled of your dishonorable chastity. And whether perhaps some of you are not guilty of this in everything, we do not inquire. Let the patron, defender, companion and comrades be considered as much as the self-inflicted, because they do not punish, banish or avoid such vices (as the gospel and your own law teaches), but help and assist such evildoers, and rage against us beside them, and with such support make themselves partakers of all such abominations, and thus are no better than the self-inflicted, Rom. 2.

For no pagan, no Turk, no pope, no emperor, and no man on earth has ever set or done anything to kill anyone for the sake of marriage, and this is a new unheard-of thing, begun by you new bishops, who are the greatest robbers of foundations, whore-keepers, and whore-hunters in your foundations that are on earth. And do not do it for the sake of maintaining chastity,

but because you do not want to commit fornication and immorality, as you do, because you leave them unpunished. And no one can believe that you faithfully mean chastity with such punishment, since greater enemies of chastity are nowhere than you, who pursue it in your own bodies with all fornication without ceasing in the most shameful way.

(76) Although such a thing is the least compared to the high common abomination that you are such bishops as indicated above, and in time (if you do not mend your ways) you shall be otherwise disgraced. For if we are to have godless whoremongers and enemies of God as bishops, we also want to show them honestly to which churches they belong; you shall certainly know that. For as long as you do not leave our marriage satisfied, you shall not have much joy and honor from your fornication and end-Christian bishoprics. If I die over it, there are others who can do better. In Snmma, we and you know that you live without God's Word, but we have God's Word. Therefore, our highest desire and most humble request is that you give glory to God, recognize yourselves, repent and amend. If not, accept me; if I live, I am your pestilence; if I die, I am your death. For God has set me on you; I must (as Hosea says [Cap. 13:7]) be a bear and a lion to you in the way of Assyria; yet you shall have no rest before my name until you amend your ways or perish.

Therefore we offer you the choice. First of all, since you cannot nor will you not devote your episcopal office and work to preaching and comforting consciences and judging, as you truly, truly do not, together with all your scholars, let us carry out your office, which you owe; Give us the gospel freely to teach, and let us minister to the poor people (who desire to be godly); yet satisfy not and forbid that which ye cannot, and yet owe, and others will do for you.

78. secondly, we will not ask anything of you about this, nor will we take any pay from you; but where God otherwise feeds us, we will wait, so that you may have both labor and wages, toil and food.

Not that we have so great a desire to preach; for to speak for me, I would not hear a lovelier message than that which deposed me from the preaching ministry; I am so weary, indeed, because of the great ingratitude of the people; but much more because of the unmistakable vexation which the devil and the world impute to me. But the poor souls do not want; so there is also a man called Jesus Christ, who says no to this, and I follow him, as he deserves more for me. So now you (praise God) all know yourselves that the Lutheran preachers are pious, and do you no harm, but are more useful to you than all your and the Pope's scholars. And more pious heretics you have never had, nor will you get more pious; pray God that they may remain with you.

79 Third, we want to let you remain what you are and teach (as we have done until now) that you should be princes and lords for the sake of peace, and leave your goods; which the Hussites and Viglephists did not do, nor do any fanatics and sectarians want to do now, so that you see that you do not have enemies, but great friends, even patrons in us. For what harm does it do us if you are lords and princes? If you do not want to do what is right for yourselves and your position and office, then it is not we but you who will give an account; but keep peace and do not persecute us. We ask no more, nor have we ever asked, but for the free gospel. You can help us and we can help you to peace. If you do not, we will keep the honor, and you will lose both peace and honor.

80 Fourthly, you can reinstate the episcopal compulsion (as long as you leave the gospel free to us), and for my part I will also confidently help and advise you, so that you may also have some episcopal office. And so you would have two pieces of episcopal office: one, that we and the preachers teach the gospel in your place; the other, that you help to administer it with episcopal compulsion. We left your person, life and princely being to your conscience and God's judgment; so we have never taken such compulsion away from you, you have

let him fall himself. For since you could not preserve indulgences and other unpleasant abuses with it, you dropped it altogether, and would not protect our gospel, nor suffer for it, but turn such coercion against us and against the gospel, he must surely stumble and become dull; for God did not order him against His word, but for His word.

(81) We truly cannot offer ourselves more and higher (than daily prayer, good will and service, which we owe to all enemies without that), namely, we want to carry out your ministry, we want to feed ourselves without your food, we want to help you remain as you are, advise you to have the upper hand, and see to it that [it] goes right. What more can we do? Truly, we bear a heavy burden, we have brought you and the spirits of the mob and all the world, yes, all the devils, upon us, and no one helps us. If you will not help us, but keep on pressing, see to it that you do not break our backs in two and try our patience too hard. If you want to dampen the pious heretics who carry you, see where you stay. Unfortunately, the game is no longer in our hands, as it was before; the devil has taken it away from us; we can truly never help you; now help yourselves, too, and look not at yourselves, but at the common heap and the dear peace; it is high time, we also want to do our best. And if there is a pious heart among you, it can surely know from this whole scripture that I speak and must speak the truth, and mean it from the heart faithfully with you and everyone; I cannot do more, for you have too many evil things.

82) Whether anyone here would think it ridiculous to hear that the foundation bishops should govern the churches, because it is well known that they cannot, nor do they want to learn to do so, when St. Paul (1 Tim. 3:5) says that he who presides evil over his own house will never preside well over the church, and one sees before one's eyes how the bishops preside over their foundations and keep discipline, namely, that they are impunita lupanaria and latrocinia. Answer: Unfortunately, I know that it is so; but so that the hopeless people may see.

that we seek peace, and are not lacking in us, I can well suffer that they provide parishes and preachers' chairs with spiritual persons, and thus help to handle the gospel. I prefer the lack to be in them than in us, and God has ruled before through bad boys, and done good; and I must think that now is the time when Herod in Jerusalem sold the priestly office, the Romans also, and yet the service of God and the word remain. But if they want to dampen the gospel, or even remain unrepentant, let them stand their ground; we preach what we want. Nor do they sit so firmly. If they have a desire for misfortune, God will soon raise up another coiner to overthrow them completely. If they do not want to be bishops in God's name, then let them be bathers in the devil's name, without our fault or cause. The Lutherans remain masters, because Christ remains with them and they remain with him, even if hell, the world, the devil, princes and everything should become nonsensical.

But it will now become too much and too long to deal with more pieces. May God help you to proceed in the Diet in such a way that we do not have to start everything over again, for that is not good for you; we would rather be spared the trouble. However, lest you think that what I am about to say is loose dramatic words, I will tell you here, as much as I can think of now, about the pieces and articles that are being written on both sides.

1 ) The pieces so necessary to act in the right Christian church, as we deal with.

What is the law.

What Gospel.

What sin.

1) A draft by Luther of the following, which is much more extensive and detailed, is found in the supplements to Brück's Geschichte der Religionshandlungen auf dem Reichstage zu Augsburg, in the Weimar Archives. Reprinted in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, vol. I, pp. 98 to 108; in the Oorp. RsL., vol. IV, 973 and again (according to Förstemann) vol. XXVI, p. 193 and in Erlanger Briefwechsel, vol. VII, p. 254 with detailed explanations, but under the wrong title as "Bedenken Luthers an den Churfürsten" etc. This error is corrected idick. The comparison of the two documents is interesting.

What grace.

What Geist's gift.

What the right penance.

How to confess properly.

What faith.

What forgiveness of sins.

As for Christian freedom.

What free will.

What love.

What the cross.

What hope.

What baptism.

What the fair.

What the church.

What the keys.

What a bishop.

What a Diaconus.

As for the preaching ministry.

The Right Catechism,

as ten commandments, father-our, faith.

The right prayer.

The Litania.

Reading and interpreting Scripture.

What good works are.

Teaching of the marital status,

of children, servants, maids.

Honoring the authorities.

Children's schools.

Visit the sick.

Poor and hospital care.

The dying report.

84 No bishop has ever preached such things, nor have they ever been thoroughly understood or taught by yours, and a large part of them have even faded away. You must not deny this, we were educated in your schools; so your books still exist, which testify to this; so all the world testifies that it was never preached before. Now it is certain that these things are needed, and the Christian church is provided with them, and must have nothing of your unnecessary additions everywhere.

Here I will not tell you about the German songs, bridal blessings, and many good wholesome little books. But how many abominations we have put down with them and eradicated in our country, I will not tell now; it is enough to show how many pieces we would still have to talk about, where we wanted to take time and space.

The pieces, so in the glistening church in practice and custom find gewest.

1. indulgences.

2. sacrificial fairs, and the same in innumerable ways.

3. ban in abuse even.

4. purgatory.

5. poltergeists.

6. pilgrimages innumerable.

7. vigils.

8. soul fairs.

9th year time.

10. four weeks.

11. soul bath.

12. holy service, which some never born.

13th saint celebration, without measurements.

14. made Mary a common idol, with innumerable service, celebration, fasting, chants, antiphons.

15. butter letters.

16. sanctuary innumerable, with lies.

17. brotherhoods innumerable.

18. living celibate.

19. consecrate churches.

20. consecrate altar.

21. consecrate images with indulgences.

22nd baptism of bells, with 200 gevattern on one rope.

23. difference of food.

24. difference of days.

25. difference of clothes, as necessary.

26. forced seven time or Horä Canonicä.

27 Sunday Procession, a spectacle.

28. the last oelung to death, not to health.

29. sacrament of marriage.

30. sacrament of the priesthood.

31. sacrament of fermlung.

32. acolites.

33. tonsurists.

34. lectores.

35. subdiacon do not consecrate to any office, only to freedom.

36th Brigitte Prayer.

37. and the like without number, and all manner of prayer books full of blasphemous, shameful dishonor to God.

Plates.

Caseln.

Albums.

Choir shirt.

Caps.

Churches.

Capellen.

Altaria.

Altar cloths.

Lights.

Chandelier.

Images.

Panels.

Crucifix.

Candles.

Flags.

Smoke barrel.

Baptismal font. Monstrance. Ciborium.

Chalice.

Organs.

Bells.

Holy water.

Weihsalz.

Seasoning.

And all kinds of food.

And of all this about necessity, only > as a special service, against faith.

In Lent: Ash Wednesday.

Hunger cloth.

Shroud images.

Keep fasting, except for the clergy.

Litania of the Saints.

Marian song of the evening.

Confession martyr.

Repentance and satisfaction.

Long Preces.

Palm donkey.

Shoot palms.

Swallow palms.

Palm cross.

Forcing confession.

Forcing to the Sacrament.

Kiss and worship Krenz.

Cross buried.

Half Mass on silent Friday.

Singing Psalter at the grave.

Dark meads.

Not ringing, but rattling.

Passion preach eight hours.

Consecrate fire.

Easter candles.

Lift cross from grave and play carry.

Consecrate patties on Easter Day.

St. Marx Procession, / Both good for all cross weeku. / Fornication.

Ascension to the ninth.

Holy Spirit on the day of Pentecost.

Procession Corporis Christi.

Assumptio beatä Virginis.

Kirchweih.

Patron Festival.

Gemeind weeks.

St. Burkart's Feast.

Quater temper.

All Saints' Feast.

All Souls' Day.

St. Mary's Goose.

Advent, more at Mary's service than Christ's. Rorate Mass.

Conceptio beatä Virginis.

Three Christmas Mass.

Apparuit and game.

Hadern St. Stephen.

Johann's drink.

Candlemas and wax market.

St. Agatha Light.

St. Blasius Light.

I will stop here, because who can tell it all in such a short time? But if one does not want peace, I (or another better) can tell it further, so that the dear canons and bishops do not think that the monks alone have sinned, and they are the pure kittens. Not so, I did not want to indicate more this time, because what has been the custom only in the parish churches, which have been the least piece in your regiment, and despised beyond all measure, which you have also trampled underfoot. But if I should enter the^) churches, cathedral churches, official houses, monasteries and preachers' chairs, and then to the mendicants, stationers, and finally to the sophists in the high schools: God help me, I am not surprised that you forget such baseless abominations and now seek to adorn yourselves. I have it myself

1) In the original and in the editions: "den". Walch had (not badly) "der Stift Kirchen".

(by the dear God!) and did not mean that you are sitting there, where I see you sitting now. O now be silent for God's sake, and amend yourselves, otherwise it will become evil with you.

It is true that among the above-mentioned pieces there are some that cannot be rejected, and some of them have fallen that I would not have wanted to fall, but they can easily come up again. And the best thing is that fine Latin hymns de tempore remain, even though they are almost drowned out by the new sacred hymns, and also count for almost nothing; yet we keep them firmly, and they please us heartily. And that I briefly give my opinion, this is the summa of it:

If one had let such pieces remain a children's game for the youth and young pupils, so that they would have had a childlike image of Christian doctrine and life, as one must give children dolls, horses and other children's work, and would have remained with the custom, as one teaches the children. It would have been a good thing if they had let Palm Sunday, Ascension Day, and the like go on and happen, because no conscience would have been confused with them.

But that we old fools go about in bishops' hats and spiritual splendor, and make serious of it, yes, not only serious, but articles of faith, that it must be sin, and torture the consciences, who does not worship such childish play, that is the devil himself. It follows, then, that all the above-mentioned plays, no matter how childish and ridiculous they are, nevertheless storm and corrupt with seriousness the Christian faith and the right, necessary plays, as indicated above, as if there had been no help otherwise, because one would have held such. For we have unfortunately experienced that such children's and fool's games have been played more and more seriously (and still), than the right main pieces. So we are now of the opinion: If we can help to preserve such children's games, which are tolerable, for the sake of the youth, without detriment to the right, serious main parts, then we want to do it gladly. But that we consider them to be articles of the

Faith should hold, and even in bishop's hats narrare, there is nothing out, anger and laugh who wants there.

(90) This I will have pointed out to you, dear sirs, for your friendly and faithful admonition, asking with the utmost diligence that you will earnestly call upon God together with us, that he may grant you grace and wisdom to do and act in these great matters, that it may be his glory and the salvation of us all. And be sure that you do not adorn yourselves, nor excuse, defend, or use force against your former wrongdoing. For what is the use of making more bad blood among the people? The hearts are already, and not without good reason, too highly embittered, that it is necessary to soothe them with a humble confession and good correction, to quench and calm them, and not to tear and tear further. For you know (if it were not for the gospel) that your nature and status are out of measure and too much fallen and corrupt, even against your own rights, so that you will not suffer your head to go through it.

91 You also know that Pope Adrian himself, through his legate at Nuremberg, confessed that the Roman See was the cause of much misery, and offered to amend it. Why then will you be ashamed to confess this, and in addition stubbornly insist on your pride, neither yielding nor relinquishing anything, but having everything by force, regardless of whether improvement or annoyance results from it? For you know, or should know, that Christian government or force is not for destruction but for improvement, instituted by God, as Paul says, and should not be a tyranny but a service. Then we could help you again with the people. For I believe that you will not be able to do without the Lutherans, as pious heretics, at the least without their prayers, if you are to accomplish something lasting in any other way. But if you will go by force, stiff-necked and stiff-necked (since God is for), I hereby testify, together with all who believe with me, before God and all the world, that our fault is not where your pride would be lacking, that you would fall to ruins. Let your blood be on your head; we are and want to be innocent of

your blood and condemnation, as we have sufficiently shown you your iniquity, have faithfully admonished you to repentance, have earnestly entreated you, and have most earnestly offered you everything that serves peace, and have neither sought nor desired anything else, but the one consolation of our souls, the free, pure gospel, so that we may boast with a good conscience that the lack was not in us. But may God of peace and comfort give you His Spirit, who will guide and lead you to all truth, through our dear Lord Jesus Christ, to whom be praise and thanksgiving for all His unspeakable grace and gifts for ever and ever, Amen.

1001 Melanchthon's letter to Luther, July 30, 1530, in which he remembers the above admonition.

In Melanchthon's sxp., tom. I, x>. 16; in Cölestin, torn. II, p. 252; in Chyträus, p. 260 and in the 6orp. Lsk, vol. II, 240.

Germanized.

It was thought that today the alleged confutation of the papists against our confession would be read out publicly, but it was a false rumor. Nevertheless, it is believed that they will not be forgiven any longer. After that, as some say, terrible edicts are to follow. Although I cannot yet write anything certain about it, I do have a lot of news, so that I easily believe we will not receive a very gracious or lenient farewell. However, do not stop asking our Lord Christ to incline the emperor's heart to peace. Some indicate that it would not be unhelpful for us to appeal to the Council. But after a few days we will know everything. I am suffering from a very ugly cough, which I contracted through sleeplessness several nights. Caspar Aquila, whom not only our friends but also the Bishop of Augsburg himself has honestly traced, will tell you what else is going on here.

The same bishop has also read your admonition to the bishop of Mainz 1) today in the Council of Princes without any shyness. He takes care of us quite seriously; but I cannot yet see how much he will achieve. Hereby commanded by God. July 30, 1530.

Philip.

1) The scripture read was "Luther's Admonition to Archbishop Albrecht of Mainz," No. 987 in this volume.

E. What the Protestants have written about the Mass and the traditions for concerns, and what Melanchthon has acted with Luther because of the traditions.

1002 Joh. Brenz's concern whether the private mass could not be restored because of the Eucharist.

This concern is Latin with Cölestin, toi". II, x. 277 and German in Chyträus, p. 430. Here is another translation.

Translated from Latin by AI. A. Tittel.

Although the Lord's Supper is to be enjoyed with thanksgiving, it is actually instituted by Christ not for thanksgiving, but to comfort the conscience, and to sustain the body and soul of believers to eternal life.

Reason.

1) Gifts, whether human or divine, are given for the benefit and fruit of the one who receives them. This is a selfish and shameful giver who, in dispensing his gifts, looks only to his own benefit and not to that of the one who receives them.

Now the Sacrament of the Supper is a gift that Christ distributes, since, according to Augustine, the Sacrament is a visible form of the invisible gift, that is, to say it more clearly: the Sacrament is a visible sign of the invisible gift. For grace was sometimes used by the ancients for a gift that is graciously bestowed.

So it is actually appointed, not that we present something to Christ when we enjoy the supper, but that something is given and handed to us.

2) Furthermore, the bread that is distributed in the night meal is the body of Christ, and the wine is his blood.

But as his body was not merely sacrificed on the cross, nor his blood merely poured out in thanksgiving, but actually for the atonement and forgiveness of sins, so in Holy Communion they are not merely distributed as signs of thanksgiving, but as certain signs and evidences of atonement and forgiveness of sins.

3) Also, the promises are not actually given for the purpose of thanking God, but

that one might enjoy the promised things; that is, since God promised Abraham the increase of his seed, he did not actually seek this by awakening Abraham to thanksgiving (although this also came about), but that he might work faith in Abraham and justify him through faith. He also promised the kingdom to David, not actually so that he would give thanks, but so that David would have the kingdom, from which thanksgiving subsequently arose in David as a fruit of good works, not as the cause of the promise.

Now, in the supper, promises of the body and blood are made, or, to be correct, present offerings are made. Thus, the supper is intended to receive something from God, not to give something to God, although it is the duty of a grateful person to give thanks upon receiving the gift.

4) Christ also says, "Do this in remembrance of me"; and Paul, "As often as you eat this bread and drink this cup, proclaim the death of the Lord."

Now the proclamation of the Lord's death is not actually used for thanksgiving, but for the awakening of faith and the raising of weak consciences, just as the preaching of the divine word is not actually intended merely for giving thanks to God, but that we 1) be taught righteousness and receive comfort. It follows, then, that the Lord's Supper was not instituted for the very end to which the proclamation of the Lord's death is directed.

5) Likewise, as we eat common bread, so we feed the body. For this is the main intention of the bodily meal, from which thanksgiving subsequently arises, not as the end (or final purpose), but as a consequence of the end.

6) And as we are baptized, not for thanksgiving, but for the washing away of the filth of souls, and that we may obtain blessedness by the bath of regeneration, although the gift of baptism is followed by thanksgiving in the believer: so also we eat the bread of the supper, the conscience, so to speak, to feed, which after the food then looks to thanksgiving, not as to the end purpose, but as to the consequence of the end purpose.

7) Nor does anyone of the popes, as much as I know, say that the laity, when they communicate (or partake of the Lord's Supper), sacrifice to God, but rather they confess that they are sacrificing the sacred to God.

1) institiiLWur in ju8titia can also probably mean: to do justice. (Walch.)

pfahen. How, then, may the priests take and arrogate to themselves more of the Lord's Supper than the laity, since Christ instituted it for both and dedicated it to one estate as much as to the other?

Revival of faith and consolation of conscience is the ultimate purpose of the institution of the Holy Supper.

1003 Philipp Melanchthon's Judgment of the Fair, at Augsburg Anno 1530 in the month of July.

In Cölestin, tow. II, p. 278; there is also the following number. This writing is Latin also in the 6orp. Rsk, vol. II, 208.

Translated from Latin.

There can be five opinions about the mass, the first two of which are nefarious and easy to understand and to judge, because they refer the sacrament only to human use, which does not suffer from the nature of a sacrament. For in the sacraments we have to do with God. The other three opinions have great dark controversy with them, and deal with the use against God, not merely against men.

The first opinion is that the Lord's Supper is a banquet that has been instituted among Christians to signify friendship, because banquets seem to be very useful for establishing friendships.

(3) Such an opinion is held by well-mannered and learned people, who compare this ceremony with the pagan customs. They do not think that it concerns the conscience or serves to understand the will of God, but use it only as a sign or pattern to bind human society together.

The other opinion is almost like the first, that the Lord's Supper was instituted as a sign of confession, by which Christians are distinguished from other peoples, as the toga distinguished the Romans from others, or the habit distinguishes the monks. So also the Zwinglian mob talks everywhere about the use of the sacrament. They teach that it is used to show faith before the people, that is, to testify that we are Christians. They also degrade the dignity of the sacraments. And because these opinions speak of the sacraments in a worldly (bourgeois) way, and are easily mistaken

If they can be stood on their own, they are considered to be something appropriate. Thus they flatter the judgment of crude worldly people, who think that religion serves only for civil use and intercourse in human society, but not for the conscience and the heart position towards God, so that there is no further use to be sought in it.

5) Now follow the other opinions, which teach the use of the sacraments against God, and seem more godly.

The first is that of St. Thomas and others like him, which has not only led to a great number of silent masses in the Church, but also teaches that the mass is a sacrifice for the living and the dead. For the sake of ambiguity, we will not use one word, but explain the matter.

St. Thomas writes that Christ's suffering was enough for original sin, and that the Lord's Supper, or the Mass, was instituted so that this work might be enough for our daily sins and earn grace, not only for the one who does it, but for the whole Church, and especially for those for whom it is done. This opinion attaches merit to the work itself, and describes the sacrament thus: that it is a work that merits grace, or God reconciles both the one who does it and others, because of the mere act (ex opere operato), that is, if they are not already in grace, if only they do not have the intention to sin.

After that, people began to argue whether one mass is as useful for many as one mass is for individuals. Answer. Here they calculate scales of merit. By a common merit, they say, the mass is valid for all at the same time. They also say that it is valid for the whole church, even if the one who says it is not in grace, as they say. By a very special merit, however, the individual is more valid for individual persons. This disputation is found in Scotus. From these dreams innumerable fairs, foundations, accompaniments and other many kinds of the purchase fairs arose. One thought that nothing would go right where there was not first a fair that reconciled God.

Luther punished this opinion of the merit of the mass. In this way, he denies that it is a sacrifice; otherwise, however, he does not argue about the name, whether the mass could not be called a sacrifice in another way. For he wanted to punish the common error that was going around in the church at that time, but not to quarrel about the name. This opinion, however, can be most easily refuted if one understands the justice of faith.

10. first: Christ has paid for all sins.

nugthan, as the Scripture says: "With One Sacrifice He hath made the saints perfect." And one must not tolerate in the church the blasphemy that Christ's suffering only paid for the mere debt of inheritance.

(11) Secondly, each one is justified by his own faith, Romans 3, that is, not by the work of the mass, either by oneself or by others. But those who ascribe merit to the mass hold that man is justified by the work of the mass, if he does it himself or another; and for the sake of this work sins are forgiven, and through it all kinds of good things are obtained from God. For hence come the masses against pestilence, war, for prosperity, crops, etc., all of which fall away when the righteousness of faith is considered. Since faith justifies, it is impossible for the living or the dead to be justified by the work of the mass. And this reason is so important, if properly explained, that one can clearly see from it that the opinion of reconciliation of God through the work of the Mass is ungodly and intolerable.

(12) Nor do I think that there are many who would defend it now, after the doctrine of the righteousness of faith has been brought to light. And if someone wants to assert it, he can easily be refuted.

Therefore, among people of understanding, this opinion will not be disputed for a long time, especially since it lacks testimonies from ancient teachers. It is all a new and invented work, of which the ancient church before Gregory knows nothing. Perhaps there are some boys and fools who cannot be instructed. But I ask nothing of the judgment of them. For this whole matter must depend on the judgment of wise and pious people.

1^. The other opinion is that of some newer people who, in order to claim that silent masses are necessary and that one must remain with the old tradition of the church, also argue that the mass is a sacrifice. And yet they describe the sacrifice somewhat differently, namely, that it is not praised as a merit, because they see that this is in conflict with the justice of the faith. They think that the Mass is a good work that we do to give thanks to God. They believe that this ceremony was instituted by Christ to be always kept in practice in the Church for two reasons: first, to preserve the memory of Christ's suffering and history; second, to testify to our gratitude, as was done in Rome and other places.

Cap. 13. from the Imperial Diet of Augsburg in 1530. w. xvi, 1186-1189. 999

The people of the city have set up games in other places in order to preserve the memory of brave men who had rendered outstanding services to the common good, but at the same time also so that the city would show its gratitude for this work. The mass is supposed to be such a work, and in this way they defend it as a sacrifice, although it is not a work that makes the one who does it or others righteous, but as it is a good work to give thanks often with words, to give alms often, together with others or alone: so also the mass is a good work that one must do often before God to show his gratitude. Therefore they conclude that the silent masses must be kept, because it is useful that there be a certain number of priests who celebrate such a spectacle, just as a certain number of sacrificers have been appointed in the law. If the people before Luther had had this opinion of the mass and had not used it for profit and as a pretext for merit, Luther might never have taken up this disputation.

15 Now the adversaries mischievously disguise the vices of former times, and seek a pretense to subdue Luther, so that, when they have suppressed him, that may arise again in the church by which they formerly made their profit. For they defend the silent masses for no other reason with the appearance of this other opinion than so that it may have the appearance that they are keeping the church interest, of which they think that it is only endowed so that masses are ordered, and that it is not rather given to the students in order to maintain them through the benefit of the church, and finally, if it is necessary, to decree for the government and support of the congregations. Likewise, if the silent masses are kept under any pretext, the opinion of the merit of the mass, which brings such great profit, will soon break down again in the hearts of the people.

16 I do not deny that the other opinion is more famous than the first and has great predecessors. The ancients seem to have mostly thought of the mass in this way, who did not yet have still masses. For these arose from the delusion of merit. But if the bishops were to accept the other opinion, they would have to abolish many masses, namely the masses for souls and other masses for sale. Such thanksgiving is only useful to the one who does it, it is of no use to others, therefore no masses can be done for others. For just as giving thanks in words is a work that is none of another's business, so one man's mass is none of another's business, even if it were a sacrifice in the same way.

(17) But against the stillness of this opinion, we may conclude thus: If the Lord's Supper is a sacrifice which only certain people must make, then the laity must have no part in it. Now the laity enjoy it as well as the priests; therefore it is not instituted to be done by a certain class of people. So it is not an appointed sacrifice that must be done by certain people in the church for and on behalf of the people, as in the Old Testament the sacrifices were done by certain people.

(18) If laymen and priests have the same fellowship, what is the use of silent masses? For it is then enough for each of the people to receive the sacrament in the common supper, if it is administered by one of the priests. For each one gives thanks for himself, therefore it is not necessary to hold silent masses and to separate the thanksgiving of the people from the thanksgiving of the priests. These are the most probable reasons, which are given in many words, but which are not unreasonable against the silent masses.

(19) But other, more important reasons must be sought, and it must be shown that the Lord's Supper was not merely instituted to be done as a work before God to show gratitude.

20 A ceremony performed without faith is not thanksgiving. Therefore, the mass is not a sacrifice for the church, no matter if a pious or a wicked person does it, as they tend to say. For faith and confession alone is thanksgiving, as it is written, "Through him let us offer to God the sacrifice of praise, that is, the fruit of the lips of those who confess his name." Much might be said here of the sacrifices of the Old Testament, by keeping them together the whole matter would become clearer. For the Canons have written from Moses, which has not been rightly understood: An offering (or sacrifice) must make a sacrifice in the church. For they have thought that the legal service made righteous. So they dream also now, the work of the mass or the night meal is valid in itself, the faith may be there or not.

(21) Furthermore, every sacrifice is our offering, which we present to God. In the Lord's Supper, however, the body of the Lord is offered to us and grace is offered along with it; thus the supper is not a sacrifice. For the words of the Lord's Supper indicate that here the body is not offered to God, but is offered to us: "Take, eat" etc. But this opinion will be even easier to refute if we hold it against the third opinion that follows here:

The third opinion is Luther's, which I believe to be entirely in accordance with Scripture, namely, that the evening meal was instituted, not so that we might offer the body of Christ, but so that something might be offered to us through it, namely, that it is a sacrament through which grace is offered to us, and through which we are brought to faith and timid consciences are comforted.

This opinion can be proved first of all from the name "Sacrament". For "sacrament" is a sign of the grace promised to us. But since, according to common church usage, the evening meal is called a sacrament, it follows that in it we are given something to strengthen our faith and comfort our consciences.

24 Now it is certain that in the Lord's Supper the body of the Lord is given to us, and with it grace; therefore the Lord's Supper is not a thing which we offer to God, or primarily appointed to offer to God, but to comfort souls and to receive grace.

Christ calls the Lord's Supper "a testament. But a testament means a promise in which something is given to us that we must accept in faith. So the Lord's Supper is not something we give to God, but rather something in which those who have a bad conscience receive grace and comfort.

26 Christ also says, "Do these things in remembrance of me. But to remember the benefits of Christ is to believe that through Christ we have received grace and forgiveness of sins. For a remembrance without faith is useless, for in this way even the Jews and the wicked can remember a history. Therefore, since remembrance is so much as faith, which recognizes that it receives grace, it follows that the supper was actually instituted to give us something that is received in faith.

(27) This third opinion is a serious contradiction to the still measurements, because it is not possible to appoint a certain order or class of people who enjoy the night meal at a certain time. People then only use it properly when they want to comfort their consciences. But such emotions are not bound to a certain time. Nor is it necessary to separate the classes from one another; for a layman's taking or enjoying is nothing different from a priest's 1) taking. Why then, as if there were a great difference, should a certain class be appointed to take the Lord's Supper on account of the laity? What is this but a confusion of the spiritual office,

1) "Laymen" in the old edition instead of: "Priests".

that a single person hands himself the body of the Lord?

28 And there is this annoyance, that the common man takes the opinion from such a spectacle, that this work is a certain service, by which God must be reconciled.

(29) Perhaps someone would be surprised that there are so many different opinions about the use of a single ceremony. Answer: But there must have been many opinions in the church after the righteousness of faith was lost; for, not knowing anything about it, the divines dreamed that the mass was a work of justification, according to the first opinion; but this opinion has already been destroyed.

The other one is still kept by many, and there is a small and dark difference between the second and the third. But it is this difference. After the third, the supper comforts the conscience, and we receive certain benefits from God. After the second, a work is performed for God, like a work under the law, at the performance of which the conscience is only more shocked when it doubts whether it has sacrificed in a pure way etc.

After the third, those who have fearful consciences are sent to communion, that they may be comforted, as Ambrose also says: Because I perish daily, I take medicine daily. According to the second, the work of the Mass can be done at all times, just as one can give thanks in words at all times. Therefore, according to this opinion, the silent masses are more easily defended, because they are considered to be works in which gratitude is shown, just as when one gives thanks orally; but just as someone can give thanks for himself more often, so it seems that this work of the evening meal can also be done in silence.

(32) But here again one can contrast the example of the church in Paul, that such a service was instituted without God's command. Likewise, since there is no difference between the thanksgiving of a layman and that of a priest, it is quite annoying that a certain number are appointed to sacrifice, as if they were doing something different from the laity.

(33) It would be best to leave all this bickering and have a common supper, in which the body of the Lord would be given to those who ask for it, teaching that the Lord's Supper was instituted first to comfort consciences and then for thanksgiving. For the thanksgiving of which the adversaries dream, not realizing that they are at the same time receiving something from Christ, is hypocrisy.

(34) Then it is true thanksgiving when consciences know that Christ's benefits have been done for them and they are comforted. Therefore, there is more and more certain thanksgiving in the third opinion than in the second.

Finally, because the whole Christian doctrine includes faith and love, the sign must also be related to both. Therefore, as I have said, it strengthens faith according to the third opinion. Afterwards, however, it must also serve to indicate the love and goodwill of Christians for one another. Thus these opinions can be united to some extent. But if someone wants to assert the second opinion by all means, so that he may push through the silent masses the sooner, he will have to refuse many masses, namely all those that have been appointed for the dead. Likewise, many others, because the common man thinks that there must be masses for everything that one seeks from God. When these masses will be stopped, there will perhaps not be so much dispute about other silent masses, which are truly for thanksgiving. For many would like to maintain a daily ceremony in the church to train and awaken the people to godliness, to which it is thought that this mass ceremony contributes much.

1004 Another concern of Melanchthon to Margrave George of Brandenburg, in which he claims that the private mass cannot be permitted according to God's word. September 14, 1531.

In Oorp. Hei, vol. II, 538 from Pezel's Christian Concerns, p. 1. Walch has erroneously placed this concern in the year 1530. Compare Luther's letter to the Margrave on the same matter, Sept. 14, 1531, Walch, St. Louis Edition, vol. XIX, 1216. We give the text according to the 6orp. Rest, and have also completed the document according to it.

Whether to arrange the private mass again, so that the people visit the church all the more diligently.

Sublime, highborn prince, gracious lord! Your princely. Your Grace, my poor willing servants are ready beforehand. Gracious Lord! (To) Your F. Grace. (To Your F. Grace's question whether Masses that are not communicants are to be performed again to bring the people into the churches, this is my humble answer: that Masses that are not communicants are not to be performed again in any way. And for this reason: the private masses are done, that one has held them as works, thereby giving forgiveness to others.

sins and eternal life, and otherwise to earn all kinds of things by it. Now F. G. knows that this error is highly contrary to the salvific doctrine and faith, and causes public idolatry, in that one hopes to become blessed through this work of the mass, thus such false delusion draws and turns the heart away from Christ to this work. In this way, faith in Christ is suppressed and blinded, so that the heart cannot comfort itself, and does not know that we should seek and attain forgiveness of sins and salvation with this alone, that we believe that God wants to be merciful to us for Christ's sake without our merit. And Christ has ordained the Sacrament to build and strengthen such faith, that we should use it, not so that the work itself would make us pious, as our opponents teach about the Mass, but so that we should be exhorted by signs to awaken faith that God is gracious to us, counts us pious and righteous, and wants to make us blessed for Christ's sake, without our merit. If private masses were to be reintroduced, it would have to follow that they would again be a work to destroy faith and a service against God's command. For the people are accustomed to the mass, are also driven to it by false opinion, and would also be strengthened in such false opinion that the mass is a work by which they are to be saved. Thus they would be completely turned away from the right teaching of their own faith and the practice of it. For this reason, the F. F. G. do not want to be moved to re-establish the mass if they are not communicants.

However, the fact that the people come to church less, it is to be considered that the mass would not help to drive the people into the church. Good, serious preaching should bring the people to church more than the mass, and I think it is the preachers' fault that the people are not diligent, so that they do not do things usefully and seriously in their sermons, nor do they admonish the people diligently to God's word, to God's service, to prayer, to the sacrament.

I would also like the authorities to take serious care that the people are driven to church, especially on holidays, and to punish those who are caught in public houses at the time when they are supposed to be in church.

That E. F. G. also desire to know how it is held here, I add to E. F. G.'s knowledge that no mass is held where there are not communicants, and are here at Wittenberg and at many other places.

Otherwise, on holidays, there are always many communicants, and otherwise the churches are full. On weekdays, the preachers preach and the students sing several psalms and litanies, and quite a number come to church. Otherwise, in the countryside, one finds that the people are generally industrious or industrious, according to the preachers.

I am sending E. F. G. the Apologia, again elaborated and improved, in which I have diligently dealt with the most useful trades, as de justificatione, and de poenitentia and de Missa. Please, E. F. G. accept them graciously, and command me to E. F. G. humbly. God preserve E. F. G. at all times. Date Wittenberg, on exaltationis crucis [Sept. 14] 1531.

E. F. G.

' subservient

Philip Melanthon.

1005. Luther's two concerns sent from Coburg by the Mass.

The first concern is found in Cölestin, toin. II, p. 281 Latin, German here with Walch. De Wette, Vol. I V, p. 116, limits himself to saying that it can be read in Walch. - The second concern is likewise found in Cölestin, tona. II, p. 284; in Buddeus, p. 170 and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 113. In Walch, the conclusion is missing. We have retranslated the second concern after De Wette.

a. The first concern. July 1530.

1) Whether the papists want to pretend to receive their corner masses, a priest may communicate himself, or give him the sacrament himself; just as the sick are reported individually in houses, or communicated,

To which the answer is:

2. first, that it is not enough to speak and do thus, but they should have a clear word and command from God that this should be done rightly; for without God's word one should do nothing in God's service and things.

3 Secondly, it is a perversion of the priestly office that God has instituted. For the sacraments are to be administered through the public common office, in place of Christ and Christianity. Now, a single person, in contrast to himself, cannot have or need a public or common office. If

But the sacraments are given to the sick out of the ordinary office, just as if the sacrament were otherwise taken from the altar and brought to one in the corner or behind the church door; and thus the office remains here in its work inverted.

Thirdly, it is well known that the papists do not pretend this out of devotion or desire for the sacrament, but rather to confirm their merchandising with such a pretense. For their devotion to God and His service is well known. And if they have a desire or devotion for the sacrament, they can get it in a proper way, since there is no danger of abuse; but if they despise it and want to have it in a wrong, dangerous way, it is publicly understood that they do not mean the sacrament, but their belly.

Item 5: It is also an evil example. For even with the right to communicate oneself, one might secretly say mass alone; or, if he wanted to lie, pretend that he had said mass secretly, and yet there would be nothing to it. This would be a shameful perversion, both of the office and of the custom.

(6) And if their own communicating is to be nothing else than a communicating like the laity receive the sacrament, and not a sacrificing; what then may one establish a special state and order for it, by consecrations and garments and other trappings? Let them, like the laity, receive the sacrament unconsecrated and unclothed, and this is a superfluous, unnecessary distinction between the consecrated and the laity. In sum, priestly ordination would then be in vain; just as it would be in vain for someone to be elected pastor, so that he might secretly read the Gospel, and teach or preach himself; for they give no office nor distinction from the laity.

7 It is also unwise for one person to eat and drink alone, leaving the others to watch, to whom he says, "Take, eat, and drink," and does not say, "I alone will take, eat, and drink, and leave you to watch. For with the sick it is, as I said, that they eat and drink with the house, as given from the altar, through the ministry.

8. Christ also wants to have such a sacrament for the remembrance of his suffering, that one speaks of it publicly to the audience. But such deviates make a silence of it, and call it the silent mass; for they teach the words of the sacrament to be spoken secretly, and to hide them from the people, which is contrary to the institution of Christ. etc. But in the case of the sick, they speak them freely in public, and also preach to them. For a mass without preaching Christ does not want, and is also a mass, like a body without soul, or bag without money, barrel without wine.

b. The second concern to Spalatin. July 27, 1530.

Newly translated from the Latin.

Grace and peace from the Lord! It is no less my opinion, my dear Spalatin, than that the private masses should be retained, even under whatever pretense it may be. If those are pious who say that they must be kept for the sake of thanksgiving, they are challenged by carnal thoughts. There is no need for thanksgiving in the public mass; then, if someone wants, in every work, at every time, in every place, so that the private mass is not necessary. For it is a danger and a nuisance, if it would be kept even in a better heart, as the ephod of Gideon was [Judges 8:27]. Christ also instituted the public mass, and all the words are in the numerus of the majority, addressed and spoken to the congregation. It is not enough to say: I have a good opinion. One must say: I have the Word of God; for, as we have often taught, a thanksgiving and a new service without the Word must not be established, for we must be certain of a work to be done against God. In the same way, one would say: I want to become a monk for the sake of thanksgiving. Why don't you do this without the monastic state? Although I would allow it with regard to the monastic state, but when and for how long do you think that such monks will be? It is not in the capacity of human nature to worship God in this way.

The only way to love them is to seek thanksgiving through the monastic state or the private mass; this will hardly be granted to the highest grace. Then the masses and monasticism have already been rejected for the sake of abuse; therefore they must not be allowed to revive anew. He who is once wicked is thought by mau to be always wicked. "A thief is nowhere better than on the gallows." And no godly man can heartily approve of the private mass, under whatever great name it is praised.

About the traditions I have written to M. Philippus, then in the theses, 1) in which the opponents will find innumerable heresies, but also contradictions, because they are very sharp dialecticians, especially when they move outside those formulas: Homo currit, Plato murrit, which they alone have learned. The Lord Jesus be with you and with all of you, Amen. From the desert, on Wednesday after Jacobi [July 27] in the year 1530.

Martin Luther.

1006 The reasons why the mass should not be retained, written by Philipp Melanchthon and handed over to Elector John on the evening before the Nativity of Mary [Sept. 7].

From Cölestin, tom. II, p. 284. also in Oorp. Heck, vol. II, 353, where it is noted: Melanchthon seems to have written this text not in Latin, but in German.

Translated into German by Ll. A. Tütel.

It is known that the opponents write and teach that the mass is such a work, which, if it is given to the living and the dead, earns and acquires for them not only forgiveness of sins and grace, but also all kinds of other good things, such as good health, victory and wealth, through the mere work.

(2) Since this is an obvious, gross and harmful error, we absolutely cannot accept and establish the silent masses in our churches again.

1) "D. Martin Lntber's Article of the Violence of the Eastern Church", which he wants to receive against the whole -atan school etc. St. Louis Edition, Vol. XIX, 958.

(3) But there is no need to prove that this dedication is completely contrary to the Gospel. For if works can earn us grace and make us righteous before God by the mere work, ex opere operato, as they call it, then righteousness will not come from faith.

4 But it is evident from Paul's teaching that righteousness comes by faith without any merit or works on our part.

(5) In addition, if one gives merit to the mass, it is just the same as if I say: This mass is Christ. For if the mass etc. is a satisfaction for sins, what is Christ's death and suffering for? Let Christ's suffering be compared to the jugglery of a sacristan.

6. then, since Christ once paid a full ransom for all men's sins, as the Scripture says, "by one sacrifice the saints are perfected," it follows that no further sacrifice or atonement is necessary.

(7) Further, since Christ commands that it be done in remembrance and recollection, it follows that the sacrament is of no help or profit to those who are absent, since their faith is not awakened by the remembrance of such things. But since the dead are absent and cannot be remembered, this whole doctrine must necessarily fall.

(8) Likewise, the mass is especially instituted for the purpose of presenting the word of God to the people in such public gatherings, as Paul also commanded when he said, "You should proclaim the death of the Lord. But such things cannot be proclaimed to the dead.

(9) Likewise, since the Most Holy Sacrament of the Body and Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ is instituted for the use and salvation of the whole Church, and there is no distinction between the lay and the priestly communion, it follows that it is most annoying and a confusion of the spiritual office to offer sacrifices and celebrate masses of silence apart from the common communion and assembly, as if the priestly communion were a better work and something more meritorious than the lay communion.

10 Likewise, just as one layman's communion is of no use to another, nor does it help anything, so it is also clear that the priest's communion is of no use to another.

(11) Likewise, since in the sacrament Christ gives and offers us His body and blood and all the other goods of the New Testament, it follows that it is not a sacrifice by which we give anything to God, but only receive what He gives us.

From the Canon [of the Mass].

Since the dedication to other things is primarily strengthened by the Canon, we cannot approve or accept it because it is completely contrary to the gospel. For if we did, we would thereby approve and confirm the appropriation.

1007. two treatises on the liturgy.

In Cölestin, tow. II, x. 287. The second is also German in Chyträus, p. 433. - Compare J. T. Müller: "Die symbolischen Bücher", p. 266. The first so-called treatise is also found inserted in the first draft of the Apology in Förstemann, Urkundenbuch, vol. II, p. 518 f., although not literally, but almost sentence by sentence. Also in the Oorp. Uet., vol. II, 215.

Translated into German by Ll. A. Tittel.

The first, from the origins of the word "liturgy".

(1) We will also add a brief explanation of the liturgy, by which some, in gross ignorance, want to make the mass a sacrifice; but we say that this word in the least does not mean a sacrifice, but the administration of any office or service, whether secular or spiritual. Therefore it is often used for worldly burdens (imposts), e.g. interest, taxes, duties and the like, therefore it also means the tax (handout) that happened to the saints. Paul used it in 2 Cor. 9, 1. and Phil. 2, 25. he says that Epaphroditus is the one who helps him in his need, where the word "liturgy" certainly does not mean a sacrifice.

2 Therefore, even though this word is already in the Acts of the Apostles, it does not follow that the mass is a sacrifice, for the text not only commemorates the mass, but also reports that the apostles otherwise administered their office, by which not only the administration of the holy supper, but also other of their official duties, e.g. preaching, prayer and other good works, are understood and indicated, so that they served the Christian congregation and rendered good service to the church.

The other, from the liturgy, as the thing itself is explained.

I. The supper is the presentation of the body, therefore it is not a sacrifice, because something is given to us, but in the sacrifice itself we give something.

II. Is it a testament in which we are promised something?

III If it is a sacrifice, faith does not make righteous.

IV. (One would also like to ask:) Whether such sacrifice consists in the meal, or in the elevation?

V. Likewise, it is to be an assembly (synaxis), for Paul says, "When ye come together, wait one for another."

VI. There is also (or should be) no difference between a layman who communicates and a priest. Therefore it is unnecessary to ordain priests to a silent (privatum) communion.

VII The priesthood is a state that has been specially instituted for communion, since there is no distinction. Therefore, it is a nuisance that the priest should say mass in a special way, because it is a special service.

VIII It is a confusion of the office, if one communicates himself, just as if one baptizes himself. For a pastor communicates himself as a member of the church (that is, with others) 1) and has a double person on him, a special and a common one.

1008 Melanchthon's letter to Luther on questions of the traditions. The

July 14, 1530.

In Cölestin, tom. II, D. 288; in Chyträus, p. 161; in Buddeus, p. 161 and rm Oorp. Rec., vol. II, 193.

Translated into German.

I received two letters from you yesterday, and I gladly confess that you are very much ahead of us in this matter. You not only write more often, but also more pleasant things than we do. Nothing has yet been decided about us and our cause. New assessments are held daily; Christ grant that they may bring peace. Eck, with his pile, has presented the emperor with a refutation of our confession. It has not yet come to light; but I hear from good friends that it is a long writing full of invective. Zwingli has sent a printed confession; one should swear that he is quite mad. On the subject of original sin and the use of the sacraments, he obviously rehashes the old errors. He speaks of the ceremonies in a completely Swiss, that is, highly barbaric way; he would like to have them all abolished. He strongly pushes his cause of the Lord's Supper. He

1) who in the beginning gave himself the night meal. (Walch.)

wants all the bishops exterminated. I will send a copy of the Scripture when I get it, because the one I had is going around among the princes.

2 I send you the question of the statutes of men (traditionibus), and ask you to write about it quite extensively. For no matter in all our disputations causes me more trouble than this one, which seems to be the easiest. And in fact it is a small thing: the doctrines of men are only ropes of conscience, they are held the same or abolished. We have one firm ground of justification; and the other of liberty, namely, that one must hold even above external liberty, finds much offence. But I call this liberty, as Paul also keepeth the law among the Jews with. I have set forth four kinds of causes of the statutes of men, from which they are derived, so that you may see the sooner where I am lacking. For if such traditional statutes are kept without any sinful opinion of them, it seems that they must be kept because of the right of the authorities (potestatis), but not because of any worship. For we see that the bishops indeed rule by human right.

In the point of the mass and in the first list of the articles of faith, I think I have been cautious enough; but in the matter of the statutes of men, I am not yet satisfied with myself in this writing. I also believe that the adversaries will make a great noise about the spiritual orders. Farewell, the day after Margaret [July 14] 1530.

There can be five causes of the church statutes:

I. As if they were works that could propitiate God, as the world has believed from the satisfaction and many other ceremonies and the penitential canons.

II. As if they were necessary services, as in the Old Testament there was a constant service with certain days and meals and the like. This cause is little different from the previous one, but there is some difference in that it seems to include works that follow justification, together with a confession of faith. For this I call service and worship, and to this is added the condition of necessity; for I have said that a necessary service of God is established, as in the law with perpetual ceremonies. Of these two causes one can easily judge. For

because they are ungodly statutes, they will surely be transgressed. And Paul only deals with these cases; Luther also only dealt with such cases in the beginning. Therefore, one can easily judge about it.

III There is nothing ungodly in the third cause. If one makes statutes for the sake of good order, "that it may be done properly," as, holidays, Sunday, the order of the readings in the mass, likewise, that no one distribute the Lord's Supper unless he is an ordained priest.

IV. The fourth cause also seems right, for the better, that a bodily discipline be ordered for the rough and ignorant, as, certain fasts, certain feasts. Not that the fasts are divine services, but bodily exercises, which keep wild, rough people to be fit to hear the word.

V. The fifth, indeed, because of a service, but which follows faith, as the work of the Magdalene, the anointing of the feet. This is how the Maccabees ordered the consecration of the church, namely a work by which thanks are given, which should be a testimony and characteristic of gratitude and faith.

In the last three cases, statutes can be safely and justifiably invoked. And in such a case the opponents can conclude: Such statutes are permitted and ordered by the authorities, therefore they must be kept, just as the Jews were forced by necessity to keep the church consecration ordered by the Maccabees, and the Ninivites to keep the fast proclaimed by the king, just as the Jews were once forced to keep that of Jehoshaphat. For we must confess that the bishops are authorities by human right, and therefore the statutes are binding, not because they are in themselves divine services, but because they are permitted works commanded by the authorities. It is the right of authority that is the problem here, not the nature of the work itself.

Here you will say that there is not only reason why they can be omitted, because they run counter to the doctrine of justification, but also because the freedom given by the gospel cannot be taken away from us, just as Paul kept the law freely among the Jews, only that he would not offend anyone. But this does not seem sufficient, or is certainly very offensive to ordinary people. For if obedience is necessary, there is no more freedom. For obedience and freedom conflict with each other. This knot must be untied. For that freedom seems to cancel out obedience altogether, which is not proper.

I also conclude that the Jews would have sinned if they had not kept the fast proclaimed by Jehoshaphat; the Ninevites would have sinned if they had not kept the fast commanded. Therefore we also do wrong if we do not keep the fasts commanded in lawful cases. For the fact that Ahab is cited against it, who ordered a service, is quite different. For he ordained a service to propitiate God contrary to the doctrine of faith; but if he had ordained nothing contrary to faith, but according to it, as Jehoshaphat did, it should not have been transgressed.

The same can be said of the statutes of ours. For I admit that the bishops can rule according to human law. Answer me, therefore, whether the statutes, if they have been commanded in the three cases, must necessarily be kept because of the authority and the command of the authorities, and whether such statutes bind the conscience?

Luther's answer to Melanchthon to the questions sent to him about the statutes of man. July 21, 1530.

This letter is found handwritten in 6o6. d, co. 72 and in Aurifaber, vol. Ill, p. 60. Printed in Cölestin, tom. II, p. 2891>; in Buddeus, p. 164 and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 105. According to the latter we have translated.

Newly translated from the Latin.

Grace and peace in Christ! In your previous letters, my dear Philip, you gave me hope that already on Monday of last week [July 11] you would have the answer of the Adversaries; by an edict soon to follow you would be released. Therefore, I almost certainly expected that you would return the same week. Now these letters show something else. But of that and other things another time.

Now to the disputation of the statutes. Five causes of the ceremonies are treated by you in the right way. But where the knot is, and you are looking for it, namely about the

1) The first rebuttal was delivered to the emperor on July 13; but since he was dissatisfied with it, a second was drafted, and it was read aloud on August 3 (De Wette).

The person or cause of the statutes is a matter of dispute. For the question about the final purpose is easy.

This is my opinion about this whole knot. First of all, since it is certain that these two governments are separate and distinct, namely the spiritual and the temporal, which Satan, through the papacy, has extraordinarily confused and mixed together, we armies must keep a sharp watch and not allow them to be mixed together again, nor must we yield to anyone or allow him to mix them together. For that would be to share with thieves and robbers, for this is a saying of God, who commands that they be kept separate and unmixed, saying [Luc. 22:26], "But you do not so."

Secondly. From this it follows that one and the same person cannot be a bishop and a prince, nor a priest and a householder at the same time. You understand here sufficiently what I want. I want to have the persons unmixed, as also the governments, although the same person can represent both persons, and one and the same Pomeranian can be pastor and head of household. For I do not want to disturb the bishops, since there are still good ones among them. Thus, the same person Conrad von Thüngen is Duke of Franconia and Bishop of Würzburg, although the Duke of Franconia cannot be Bishop of Würzburg. This I treat with so many words before you, because you know that our word has treated primarily also these effecting causes of the statutes, not only the final causes, which, you have enumerated.

Thirdly. A bishop, as a bishop, has no power to interpret any statute or ceremony to his church, except with the express or implied consent of the church. For the church is free and the mistress, and the bishops are not to be lords over the faith of the churches, nor to weigh them down or oppress them against their will. For they are only servants and stewards, not masters of the Church. But if the church has agreed to be one body with the bishop, then they can impose on themselves whatever they want, as long as godliness is not violated; they can also do the same again at their discretion. If

the bishops do not seek this authority, so they want to rule and keep everything at their own discretion. We must not allow this, nor in any way participate in this godlessness and injustice or the suppression of the church and the truth.

Fourthly. A bishop, as a prince, can much less impose something on the church, because that would mean to confuse these two powers completely, and then he would be in truth one who reaches into a foreign office (allotrioepisco- pus [1 Petr. 4, 15.], and we, if we let him, would be guilty of the same church robbery. So against this iniquity and ungodliness one must rather let go of life. I am talking about the church, which is already separated from the secular community.

Fifth. A bishop, as a prince, may impose on his subjects, as subjects, whatever he deems good, if it is only godly and permissible, and the subjects are bound to obey. For then they obey not as church, but as citizens. For the church is also a twofold person in the same man. Thus, when Conrad von Thüngen commands his Franks, as Duke of Franconia, to fast or to do some other permissible thing, he compels those who recognize him as Duke to obey, but not those who recognize him as bishop, namely those who are under the rule of other princes, even though they belong to the Würzburg church; just as Pommer compels his servant to obey his household law, but not his Wittenberg church.

As for the king of Nineveh, you will see that it is a purely secular commandment, regardless of whether there is a church or paganism among them. Thus, if the emperor should command a fast to all in general, even those who are the church will obey him, because the church is under the emperor according to the flesh, but it does not obey as a church. It is the same with King Jehoshaphat. But of the Maccabees it is clear that they did not institute their church consecration [1 Macc. 4, 59.] themselves alone, but the whole people unanimously consented. This unanimity could also have annulled it, although here, too, there was a lot of secular law involved, yes, almost the whole thing was secular, since namely

ly the Maccabees ruled, and yet it is not decreed without the consent of the people.

Therefore, neither according to spiritual nor according to temporal law can we attribute to the bishops the power to decree anything over the church, no matter how permissible and godly, because one does not have to do evil in order for good to come from it. If they wanted to enforce this by force and put it into practice, we must not obey them or consent to it, but rather die for the maintenance of the difference of these governments, that is, for the will and the law of God, against ungodliness and the robberies of the church. In addition, if they should say (which they will not do) that they want to burden us at their peril and be held by us as tyrants, and force us not to resist the evil, etc.: then one must nevertheless resist, not even obey by any work, but do the opposite, because here not only the evil is borne, but ungodliness is confirmed and the godly nature is denied, namely by the work itself and the acquiescence. If, however, they force us to fast by physical violence, namely by taking away our food or keeping us in the dungeon, then the evil will certainly be tolerated, since we have not given our consent to it either by deed or word.

Here, however, I have thoughts that we might be endangered by their deceptions and false pretenses, namely, if they pretend that the emperor, as emperor, but they, as princes, want to have such things decreed, or that the statutes are maintained by the church, not as by the church, but as by subjects, and under this pretext revive and confirm that whole tyranny of confusion, and in such a way keep the church nevertheless oppressed and subject under the episcopal power:

Here my opinion is that by God's word it is forbidden to believe them, because Christ forbids that the ungodly and sinner be acknowledged as righteous, unless he has obviously repented, Matth. 18, 17: "If he does not hear the congregation, then stop him.

him as a heathen and a publican." Now, since the bishops are obviously guilty of this disorderly tyranny 1) and of the oppression of the church, they must not be believed unless they have first, in manifest repentance, repudiated and rejected the former laws and all the facts which have arisen from the disorderly tyranny. If they refuse to do so, it is clear that they want to remain unrepentant and unpunished, and restore all their abominations with cunning and deceit, and lie that they, as princes, or the emperor, as emperor, command it.

Therefore, let us see to it that we walk carefully toward them, because they are full of all the deceitfulness and deceitfulness of their god, Satan, lest they seize some of ours, and afterwards leave behind a sting and incurable sobs because of the ruined church and the restored abomination.

One could grasp this fraud (if they wanted to impose it at all by force) with one's hands, if the bishop of Wuerzburg would not only command those whose duke he is, but at the same time also those whose bishop he is; so, if the pope would not only command the subjects of his temporal dominion etc. So far you can safely grant the bishops the power over the statutes. If then 2) by any pretext the church were suppressed, this would happen without our consent and without our fault, and I would have them press for it and demand that they be admitted with their statutes according to the custom of the princes, but not according to the custom of the bishops; but Satan will not do this, noticing beforehand that his rope turns back against himself. But it would be good for Duke George, who in this way would become bishop of Meissen and Merseburg and Prague, namely by commanding in his name that the bishops should be obeyed as if he himself had commanded it; but it would be much better for the Landgrave of Hesse, who would not give anything to the Mainzer.

1) eontusa t^rannis, the tyranny that results from the blending of the spiritual and secular regimes.

2) Here we have assumed turn with the O06. .I^n. and Aurifaber, instead of tantuin in De Anette.

would concede except Hammelburg and Fritzlar, and nothing would remain in Thuringia but the episcopal court at Erfurt.

But these things you despise as coarse and rude. Nevertheless, they are worth answering your impertinent and useless questions with, since you see that those people want or can want nothing less than to rule over the churches according to worldly rights or to be considered only princes of the world. They want to be bishops, and if they did not want that, what would they be? what would they remain? That is why I wanted you to be a little calmer. You plague me, too, with your futile worry, so that it almost annoys me to write to you, since I see that I accomplish nothing with my words. "I am foolish in speech, but not foolish in knowledge" [2 Cor. 11:6]. May the Lord Christ be with you, amen. From the desert, July 21, 1530.

Your Martin Luther.

1010 Melanchthon's repeated inquiry to Luther whether the statutes, which are chosen by pious people out of their own devotion, could be a service of God. July 27, 1530.

In Cölestin, tom. II, x. 291; in Chyträus according to the Latin edition, p. 167 and according to the German, p. 261 and in the Corp. kok., vol. II, 229.

Germanized.

1 The adversary's Confutation has not yet been handed over to us, and I hear that the reason for the delay is that they are emendring it from the Emperor's Council and taking out the invective; today, however, I heard from Campegius that it will come out in a few days. If she comes out, we will be able to conclude about our farewell. For we want to ask that they grant us an answer; if they will do so, we do not want to stay long.

Erasmus has written to the emperor again, and he has put up with our cause, as far as priestly marriages, vows, and both are concerned. For he has reported these articles in particular.

3 I am afraid that you are somewhat moved by the statutes of men in your answers. But I pray that you will be kind to me in my disputation.

hold. These are great things, and they are of little help to me. I have the complete certainty that the bishops may not burden the churches with their statutes, and I have also written so in the Confession, and do not change the same. But I ask you about other things. I ask you to answer me not about the causative cause of the statutes of men, but about the final cause, which I have set for the fifth, namely: whether certain works, chosen by believers out of their own devotion, can be worship? As if St. Bernard, who already believes in the righteousness of faith, chooses to do something certain, whether such a certain work can be a service to God, or such a work by which God is actually thanked and praised? For this is what Thomas calls

I think that such a work is only a bodily exercise, and not a worship; as if he fasts for certain days, the purpose of this work is actually mortification of the body, not a worship, but a praise of God. For I am speaking of the most real and immediate purpose, and I am aware that St. Bernard is mistaken if he considers it a service. Thus, when St. Peter decrees that one should celebrate Sunday, I hold that the work is not a service, but has a bodily benefit, that the people come together on a certain day. But Thomas is against this, and makes a service out of these self-chosen works. In the same way he writes about the vows. Please, do not complain about speaking to me in writing about these matters, since this is not without benefit. Hereby commanded by God. July 27 at Augsburg in the year 1530.

Luther's answer to Melanchthon. August 3, 1530.

This letter is found in Latin in Buddeus, p. 175, from the Jena manuscript; in Flacius' Latin collection of letters; in Cölestin, tom. II, x>. 292; in Chyträus, p. 168 and in De Wette, vol. I V, p. 122. German in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 430b; in the Jena (1566), vol. V, p. 117b; in the Altenburg, vol. V, p.244; in the Leipzig, vol.XX, p.88; in Chyträus, p. 112 b and in Walch. In all German editions the postscript is given as a special document. We have translated after De Wette.

Newly translated from the Latin.

To Magister Philipp Melanchthon, his extremely dear brother.

Grace and peace! Now you are writing to me for the third or fourth time about the

Statutes, my dear Philip, and either I do not understand you, or you are disputing an impossible thing, namely, whether Bernard, who is already right in doctrine, can choose a certain custom and say: This is to be worship, honor and praise of God, or serve to give thanks to God. This is a quite impossible case, which involves an obvious contradiction. For to say: this is to be God's service or to be, does not stand with Bernhardus, but solely with God. Therefore, Bernhardus, who stands right in the doctrine, will never be able to say: This shall be God's service, or he will cease to stand rightly in doctrine. For what else would that be but to exalt oneself above God and all worship? And what else does the first commandment and all the prophets forbid but such works services? For after all, the final causes may be entirely divine, let alone permitted: but by this addition: "It shall be a service of God," 1) the greatest blasphemies and robberies of God occur through man, namely, as if man wanted to make God, or to teach in what way he must be worshipped. Therefore (as you say) such a work is not a worship, but an exercise. This is also my opinion. Yes, I know for sure that without that addition alone it is an exercise, and with the addition it is idolatry. This is what I want, since I am speaking of the cause. For if the causative cause is not, then the final cause is necessarily a figment of the imagination (Chimaera). Therefore, you force me to wonder and to doubt completely whether I understand you, since you so reject the causative cause and insist on the final cause. I say even more: That very self-chosen work of Bernard, even without addition, is dangerous because of its peculiarity and almost equal to a nuisance, as if all of ours were not already sufficiently ordained by the general commandment of God for the service of God, that we should do, speak, carry and live everything for the glory and praise of God, and only that peculiar saint would have to come with his self-chosen work, without any

1) In Latin emphasized by brackets, because one did not have speech marks.

"My head is stubborn," as you say, but it is stubborn to me now in the highest degree, 3) because Satan forces me so against my will to be idle and to lose time.

4) In the church, the cause of laws is missing.

1. the causing cause is missing, because nobody has a right.

2. the final cause, because everything is already commanded and decreed that is godly, permissible, honorable and necessary for salvation, and there is no other final purpose.

3. the material cause is missing, because things and external goods of the world do not belong to the church, but spiritual and eternal things.

4. the formal cause, because nothing better and more suitable could be ordained by the Word of God, which has written everything with weight, measure, number and order sWeish. 11, 22/, than faith, love, cross, the ten commandments, precepts, promises.

Yes, reason does not comprehend the formal causes, as well as the material ones, not even the causing or the final cause in the church.

1. the final cause of the laws in the church must be eternal life.

2) We have omitted "Coburg" with Flacius and Aurifaber. Only from September 23 Luther dates his letters from "Coburg".

3) "siMNkinniMSsimum". The A6NU8 neuter is explained by the eaput that can be inferred from the preceding.

4) The Folget,de brings Walch as a special

Document in No. 1013.

2. the material, the sin and the sinner to be justified, the believer and the righteousness before God.

3. the effectual one, the Lord of eternal life.

4. the formal cause is the oral word, taught in the mind, recorded, not merely recorded on paper or uttered with the voice.

For what is the law of the church?

It is the word, believed in the spirit to eternal life, given by GOtte. But these things do not rhyme with external laws. Titus 1:1,2: The godly doctrine of the faith of the elect for the hope of eternal life, which is promised by God who does not lie.

The question of laws is the most difficult of all, undertaken by many in many ways, but never solved by anyone. This comes

1. The imperfect knowledge of the spirit,

2. From the wickedness of men.

Luther's letter to Melanchthon. August 4, 1530.

This letter is handwritten in Rhediger's collection of letters in Breslau, datirt vom 4. August; in 606. öon. d, toi. 76 and in Aurifaber, vol. Ill, p. 76. Printed in the Latin collection of letters of Flacius; in Cölestin, tom. 11, p. 293; in Buddeus, p. 178; in Schütze, vol. II, p. 161, erroneously and without the conclusion from Börner's collection in Leipzig; and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 124. German in the Wittenberg (1569), vol. IX, p. 431; in the Jena (1566), vol. V, p. 118; in the Altenburg, vol. V, p. 244; in the Leipzig, vol. XX, p. 88 and in Walch. In all German editions the conclusion is missing. We have translated according to De Wette.

Newly translated from the Latin.

The grace and peace of Christ! I recognize indeed, my dear Philip, that you do not want your final causes of the statutes to be despised by me. Therefore I protest again, first of all, that I also do not want my causes of the statutes to be despised by you. "Take it well to heart, it is an important matter." It is nothing that someone should

1) VirZ. Lueolicm, Lei. Ill, v. 54.

You know that, since neither princes nor bishops have the power to establish statutes in the church, it is nothing for them to boast that they are righteous. Therefore, since neither princes nor bishops have the power to establish statutes in the church, it is nothing for them to boast that it is godly, that it is permitted, that it is an exercise, that it is thanksgiving, that it is discipline. God does not care about it, but demands His commandment. If, therefore, the cause is taken away, no abominations of the Antichrist could be resisted, since he would like to say: This is godly, this is permitted etc. For who will be judge here, who arbitrator? The examples are there, on which they press, and will easily obtain it. It was godly to sacrifice his son after the example of Abraham; it was godly (said Muenzer) to kill the kings of Canaan and the Amorites, so let us kill. Therefore, I do not depart from the effecting cause. That is the first thing.

Secondly, your final causes are all impossible. For if I ask: What are the godly or lawful things that are to be established by the statutes, you will say: thanksgiving, discipline etc. But these are already established by the word of God. For God commanded to pray, to preach. To give thanks, to restrain the flesh, to instruct the people and the children. Now show me any work that is subject to the statutes. Do you want to mention purgatory, pilgrimages, brotherhoods, the service of the saints? These are of course without the word of God, but at the same time also ungodly. Since there is no work that the statute could establish anew, it follows that it takes before itself a work already commanded by God, and presupposes, as it were, the category of substance, which it solennisirts, as they call it, and clothes with quantity, quality, where, when, for what; as to say thanks is a work of the statute, rather not of the statute, but of the divine command. But it becomes a work of the statute, in that the statute prescribes, at this hour, in this place, with this voice, with such long continuance, in this dress, with these gestures, let us do it. But these categories of accidental things God has defined in His works as free and in truth accidental.

The first thing we want to do is to have things, but by no means as the essence (substantiam).

Now the disputation returns to its circle, that also no one can himself impose accidental things (accidentia,) on others, unless he is commanded, and he is called by God as the effecting cause, just as when someone speaks and executes the ministry as by the word and power of God. This is my opinion of the statutes. But whether I understand you and yours, I do not know.

But that you mix into the statutes the self-chosen service with your Bernard, of whom you assume that he stands right in the doctrine and yet chooses a certain fasting to give thanks, then I call this not a statute decreed by authority, but a self-chosen action of an individual. I judge from this that Bernard is not allowed to choose such a fast or order. For this particularity or order would be detrimental to the other orders and works of God, since all of ours must be done in the name of Christ and for the glory of God. But that particularity would obscure everything by this dangerous example and harmful annoyance for the simple, and, as the Scripture says [Deut. 19:14], it would cause offence to the blind.

But if this annoyance were tolerated, soothed by this remedy, that at the same time it was taught (as it should be taught) that besides this order of Bernard, any order of God was much more holy than that of the husbandmen, the servants, the parents, the state of the children, etc., and much more suitable to give thanks, and a thousand times more pleasing to God than this peculiar and self-chosen one: then it would not be to be feared that this self-chosen worship would get the upper hand. But this does not belong to the matter.

The summa is this: That it is not permitted to choose or invent any worship without an express commandment of God and a certain word. For this is how we have taught up to now, and rightly so. But what would that order of Bernard's be but, in fact, a service above and apart from what God has commanded, which would be entirely self-chosen?

Accept this from me as from one who guesses more with regard to your opinion than clearly sees through it. Perhaps I am so distracted by other thoughts that I do not quite see yours. Otherwise, it is strange to me why you should ask about such things as if you did not know them, while I know that you understand all of ours in the best possible way. I hold that in all these things the causative cause is sufficient, namely that Bernard should not choose or follow such a service, because he is not called to it, nor does he have a word of God by which he would like to become the causative cause. Otherwise, the service itself and the final cause would be holy in itself if it were commanded by the word of God, that is, in my opinion, it would become truly holy through the effecting cause.

There is nothing new here, except that a new house is being built for the emperor at Augsburg, so that he may remain in Germany for many years; and that Queen Mary will be given to the voivode as a wife. And the Turkish emperor sent the emperor ten beautiful maidens (heroas) with eighteen horsemen, who brought many gifts on two mules, silver and gold vessels, to fortify the peace. Then there is great unrest among our people at Augsburg, namely Philip and Jonas and the whole company (collegium), including diseases. It is to be wondered at that this, which I have said last, is thundered out with great clamor. This, which I hope will be unknown to you since you are present, I have wanted to indicate to you as an absentee). The Lord Jesus Christ be with you, Amen. From the desert, August 4, 1530.

Martin Luther.

The first part of the book is the first part of the book.

The document that Walch brings here as a special number is the postscript to No. 1011, where we have transferred it.

1) All of Luther's messages in this last paragraph are jokes.

F. Of the Papal Confutation of the Augsburg Confession, which was read out on August 3, 1530, but the copy of which was cut off from the Protestants.

1014 Confutatio or Refutation of the Articles, presented in the Confession of the Elector of Saxony and his kinsmen at Augsburg, put forward by the papist theologians, and publicly read in the presence of the Imperial Majesty, the Electors, Princes and other Estates of the Roman Empire on August 3, 1530.

About the history of the origin of this writing and the most distinguished authors of the same may be read what J. T. Müller, "Die symbolischen Bücher der ev.-luth. Kirche" in the historical-theological introduction, p. HXX ff. has explained. - After Cochläus had a short summary of the Confutation printed soon after the Imperial Diet, it was not until 1573 that the first complete Latin copy came out at Cologne, in des Andreas Fabricius llaririouiu eoukesmoius ^UM8t.uuuo ckoetriuuo 6VuuA6li6U6 60U86U8UM llodrirrmto. Then in Chyträus, x>. 173; in Cölestin, limt. comit. ^uZ., tom. Ill, p. 1; with Joh. Müller in the explüutio ^.uLM8t.uim6 60U1088101118; with Phil. Müller in the eouoorckiu and in Pfaff, lib. 8^mdolio. eoclomuo ovunMliouo in the uppouclix, p. 7. German according to the Latin copy of Chyträus <translated by Gelmer Nemorimontius, preacher in Rostock) in his Hist. der Augsb. The German copy of the Confutation appeared in 1572 and was printed in the "Brill auf den evangelischen Augapfel", also in the "catholischen Oculist und Starenstecher".

The Roman Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, when she received a confession of faith, handed over by the Elector of Saxony, and several princes and two cities, with the signature of their names: J. K. M., who, with a Christian mind and zeal, sincerely desires and desires the honor of the most gracious and most powerful God, the salvation of souls, Christian unity and the common peace, honor, union and salvation of the entire German land, not only read such confession himself and, as much as was necessary, diligently perused it, but also, so that J. K. M. might be able to read it as thoroughly as possible. K. M. may proceed so much more thoroughly and bravely (as is befitting in such great matters), and act the high cause quite diligently, hand over to some learned, wise, proven and honorable men, from many countries, to inspect and examine the same Confession, and earnestly command and enjoin upon them what they must do in the Confession.

The church should also record any points in which it did not agree with the Catholic Church, and then hand them over to its superior authority with its response and reservations. Which was done correctly and properly. For they have perused the aforementioned Confession with all diligence and fidelity, and have put in writing what their opinion is of each article, and have thus sent their answer to the Imperial Majesty. Majesty. Which answer the Roman Imperial Majesty, as befits a Christian Majesty, as befits a Christian emperor, has read through most diligently, and has handed over to the other princes, princes and estates of the Roman Empire to read and examine. Which they have also recognized and confirmed to be right and catholic, and in complete agreement with the Gospel and Holy Scripture. Therefore, the Imperial Majesty. Therefore the Imperial Majesty, after having heard the advice of the aforementioned princes, rulers and estates, so that all disagreement and misunderstanding may be removed in our lawful holy faith and Christian religion, has ordered such answer to be read out in the present.

To the articles which have been submitted by the Elector of Saxony and several princes and cities of the Holy Roman Empire, in matters concerning our holy and Christian faith, to the Roman Imperial Majesty. Majesty, this Christian answer may be given:

For the first. That in the first article they confess the unity of the divine being in three persons, according to the command of the Concilii of Nicaea; such their confession is to be accepted, because it thoroughly agrees with the rule of faith and of the Roman church. For the Nicaean Concilium, held under the Emperor Constantius Magus, has always been considered entirely pure and holy, in which three hundred and eighteen bishops, who were of a holy life, martyrs and highly honored, after diligent study of the holy Scriptures, have decided and declared this article, which they all confess here, of the unity of the divine essence and the Trinity. So it is also to be assumed that they condemn all heresy against this article, the Manichaeans, Arians, Eunomians, Valentinians, Samosatians. For these also the holy and catholic church has condemned before.

II. In the other article of the Confession it is well supposed that they confess with the Catholic Church that the fall of inheritance is truly sin fei, which condemns and brings eternal death upon those who are not born again through baptism and the Holy Spirit. For they in the right

condemn the new and old Pelagians, whom the Church condemned long ago. But the explanation of the article that the original sin is that people are born without fear of God, without faith in God, is to be rejected completely, because every Christian is aware that being without fear of God and without faith in God is more of a real sin of adults than of a young newborn child who does not yet need reason. Just as the Lord says to Moses: "Your children, who today understand neither good nor evil" [Deut. 1, 39].

The explanation is also rejected that they say that the fall of inheritance is the evil desire; insofar as they consider the desire to be sin, so that sin remains in children even after baptism. For these two articles of Martin Luther have recently been condemned by the apostolic see, the other and third of sin, which remains in the child after baptism, and of tinder, which prevents the soul from entering heaven. But if, according to the opinion of St. Augustine, they called the original sin a lust, which ceases to be a sin at baptism, it would have to be accepted. For also according to St. Paul's opinion, Eph. 2, 3, we are all born children of wrath, and in Adam we all sinned [Rom. 5, 12].

III. There is nothing questionable in the third article. For the same is in complete agreement with the apostolic symbol and with the right rule of faith. That the Son of God became man, took on human nature in unity of person, was born of the virgin Mary, truly suffered, was crucified, died, went to hell, rose from the dead on the third day, ascended into heaven, and sits at the right hand of God.

IV. That in the fourth article the Pelagians are condemned, who held that man could attain eternal life by his own powers, excluding God's grace, is accepted as catholic, and according to the old Conciliis. For the Holy Scripture expressly testifies to this. John 3:27 says John the Baptist: "A man can take nothing, except it be given him from heaven"; Jac. 1:17: "Every good gift and every perfect gift is from above, coming down from the Father of lights"; 2 Cor. 3:5.: "That we are able is of God, who hath made us able"; and Christ saith, "No man can come unto me, except the Father draw him that sent me," John 6:44.; and Paul, "What hast thou that thou hast not received?" 1 Cor. 4, 7.

But if anyone were to deny the merits of men, which are the result of divine grace, he would be more in agreement with the Manichaeans than with the holy Catholic Church. For it is completely against God's word to deny that our works are meritorious. For Paul says: "I have fought a good fight, I have run the race, I have kept the faith, henceforth there is laid up for me the crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the righteous Judge, shall give me in that day," 2 Tim. 4:7; and 2 Cor. 5:10: "We must all be made manifest before the judgment seat of Christ, that every man may receive according to that he hath done in life, whether it be good or bad."

For where there is reward, there is also merit, as the Lord also said to Abraham, "Fear not, Abraham; I am your shield, and your very great reward," Gen. 15:1; and Isaiah says, "Behold, his reward is with him, and his work is with him, Isa. 40:10; Isa. 58:7: "Break thy bread to the hungry, and bring into the house them that are in misery: then shall thy light break forth as the dawn, and the glory of the Lord shall take thee." Thus the Lord says to Cain, "If you are righteous, you will be pleasant," Genesis 4:7. Thus also the gospel parable of the Lord's vineyard declares, "He made us laborers, and became one with us every day for a penny. He also said: "Call the workers and give them their wages", Matth. 20, 8. Paul, aware of God's mystery, also says: "Each one will receive his reward according to his work," 1 Cor. 3:14.

Nevertheless, all Catholics confess that our works do not deserve anything of themselves, but that God's grace makes them worthy of eternal life. Thus St. John says: "They will walk with me in white garments, for they are worthy"; and St. Paul Col. 1, 12: "Give thanks to the Father, who has made us fit for the inheritance of the saints in light."

V. In the fifth article it is considered right that the Holy Spirit be given through the Word and the holy sacraments, as by instrument. For thus Apost. 10:44 it is written: "While Peter was still speaking these words, the Holy Spirit fell on all who were listening to the words"; and John 1:33: "This is He who baptizes with the Holy Spirit."

But that they think of faith here is conceded so far as it is not of faith alone (as some teach evil), but

is understood by the faith that is active through love (as Paul rightly teaches to the Galatians). For even in baptism not only faith, but also hope and love are poured in at the same time, as Pope Alexander proves, CC. Majores de baptismo. As also long before John the Baptist taught, speaking of Christ, Luc. 3,16.: "He will lute you with the Holy Spirit and fire."

VI But that they confess in the sixth article, that faith should bring forth good fruits, is accepted with equity and pleasure. For "faith without good works is dead," Jac. 2. And all Scripture incites us to good works. For the wise man says, "What your hand can do, do always for and for," Eccl. 9:10. And, "God [has] looked upon Habe! and His sacrifice," Gen. 4:4. And [Gen. 18:19.God saw that Abraham would command his children, and his household after him, to love the ways of the Lord, and to do that which is right and good," and [said:] "I have sworn by myself, saith the Lord, Because thou hast done these things, I will bless thy seed, and multiply them, Gen. 22:16, 17. So God looked upon the fasting of Nineveh, Ion. 3, and the weeping and crying of Ezekiel, 2 Kings 20. Therefore all believers should follow the counsel of Paul who says: "Therefore, since we have time, let us do good to everyone, but most of all to those who have faith", Gal. 6, 10. For Christ says: "The night is coming when no one will be able to work", Joh. 9,4. For "their works follow them", Rev. 14, 13.

But that in the same article justification is attributed to faith alone is contrary to evangelical truth, which does not exclude works. For "glory and honor and peace to all who do good," Rom. 2; and David Ps. 61, Christ Matt. 15, and Paul Rom. 2 testify that God will give to each one according to his works. Further Christ says: "Not all who say to me, Lord, Lord, shall enter the kingdom of heaven, but those who do the will of my Father who is in heaven." From this it follows that no matter how much one believes, if he does not do good, he is not God's friend'. "You are my friends," says Christ, "if you do what I command you," John 15.

Therefore they are not allowed to ascribe righteousness so often to faith, because this belongs to grace and love. For Paul clearly and plainly says: "If I had all faith, so as to move mountains, and did not have love, I would be nothing," 1 Cor. 13.

St. Paul makes the princes and the whole church certain that faith alone does not make them righteous. Therefore he teaches that love is the most noble virtue, Col. 3: "But above all things put on love, which is the bond of perfection.

Nor does it help them that Christ says, "If you have done everything you were commanded, say, 'We are worthless servants,'" how much more should those say who believe alone! If ye believe all things, say, We are unprofitable servants. Therefore this speech of Christ does not exalt faith without works, but teaches that our works, compared with the eternal reward, are nothing at all. Thus St. Paul says: "I hold that the suffering of this time is not worthy of the glory that is to be revealed in us," Romans 8. For faith and good works are also God's gift, to which eternal life is given through God's mercy.

So also Ambrose, so dressed here, does not belong here, because the holy Ambrose explains himself clearly from the works of the law. For he says: Without law, understand: without law of Sabbath and circumcision etc. And this he says more brightly about the Epistle to the Romans Cap. 4, where he introduces St. Jacob from the righteousness of Abraha, without works of the law, before circumcision. For how should Ambrose speak otherwise in his Commentariis, than Paul in the text, when he speaks, "By the works of the law no flesh is justified in his sight," Rom. 3. Wherefore he does not even exclude works at the end, but says, "We mean that a man is justified without works of the law."

VII The seventh article of the Confession, in which it is said that the church is an assembly of saints, cannot be admitted without detriment to the faith, if thereby the wicked and sinners are entirely excluded and separated from the church. For this article, condemned in the Concilio of Costnitz, is among other errors of the condemned John Hus, and completely contradicts the Gospel. For it was said that John the Baptist compared the church to a threshing floor, which Christ sweeps with his shovel and gathers the wheat into his sheds, but the chaff he burns with eternal fire, Matt. 3. But what does the chaff mean other than the wicked, and the wheat other than the good? And Christ compares the church to a net, in which are good and evil fishes, Matth. 13; item, Christ compares his church to ten virgins, of which [five] were wise and five were foolish, Matth. 25. Therefore this article of the Confession can be accepted with nothing. Ob-

rvohl that to praise in the same, that they confess that the church remains for and for. For here is Christ's promise that the Spirit of truth shall abide with her forever, John 14, and Christ himself promises that he will be with her always, even to the end of the world.

This is also approved, that they hold that the inequality of the ceremonies does not separate the unity of the faith, as far as they speak of special church orders, in which each country may keep its own opinion and way, says Jerome. But if they would extend this part of the confession to the general ceremonies of the church, it should be rejected altogether, and it should be said to them with St. Paul, "We have no such usage," 1 Cor. 11, for the general ceremonies are to be held by all Christians in unity, as Augustine writes to Januarius, which testimony they also cite. For to hold that such ceremonies flowed from apostles.

VIII. The eighth article of the Confession, concerning the evil ministers of the Church and hypocrites, so that their wickedness does not interrupt nor harm the Sacrament and the Word, is accepted together with the Holy Roman Church. And here the princes are praised for condemning the Donatists and all Origenists who pretend that in God's Word it is not permitted to receive the sacraments from evil ministers. This heresy was subsequently renewed by the Waldensians and the pauperes de Lugduno, who were followed by John Viklef in England and John Hus in Bohemia.

IX. The ninth article, concerning baptism, that it is necessary for salvation, and that one should baptize children, is praised and accepted. And they condemn the Anabaptists, who are seditious, and are to be driven far out of the Holy Roman Empire, lest such a terrible and ruinous upheaval and bloodshed be caused once again in praiseworthy Germany, as happened five years ago with the destruction of many thousands of people.

X. The tenth article is to be tolerated, as far as the words are concerned, since they confess that in Holy Communion, after lawful Consecration has been held, the Body and Blood of Christ are essentially and truly present, if they only believe that the whole Christ is present under any form, so that no less Christ's Blood is under the form of bread per concomitantium than it is under the form of wine, and again. Otherwise Christ's body in the Eucharist would be dead and without blood, contrary to St. Paul. For "Christ

raised from the dead, now dies no more," Rom. 6.

In this article of the Confession, it is necessary to remember and add this, that they should rather believe the Church than some others who teach otherwise, that through the Almighty Word of God in the Consecration of the Eucharist, the essence of bread is transformed into the Body of Christ. For so concluded in the general Concilio, C. Firmiter de S. Trini, et fide catholica. Therefore we praise those who expressly condemn the Capernaites who deny the true presence of the Body and Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ in the Lord's Supper.

XI. That they confess in the eleventh article that one should keep the private absolution with the confession in the church, this is approved as catholic and conformable to our faith. For absolution is affirmed with the word of Christ, since he says John 20 to his disciples, "Whose soever sins ye remit, they are remitted unto them." Nevertheless, two things are to be required of them: One, that the annual confession be kept by their subjects, according to the Constitution C. Omnis utriusque, De penit. et remiss. and according to the common custom of the Church. The other is that they may, through their preachers, faithfully exhort their subjects how they should confess; although they cannot tell all their sins at once, yet, when they have diligently searched their consciences, they make a perfect confession of all their sins which occur to them in such reflection. But in the others, which we have forgotten and are not mindful of, we may say in common confession, and with David Psalm 18 [19:13], "Who can know how often he faileth? Forgive me the hidden faults."

XII. But that they confess in the twelfth article that the fallen may obtain forgiveness of sins at all times, if they are converted, and that the church should impart absolution to those who return, this is considered right and praised. For they with all fairness condemn the Novatians, who denied that after the first repentance one could repent again. And this is against the prophet who promises God's grace to the sinner at what hour he will be converted, Ezek. 18. 18. and is also against the saying of grace of our Savior Jesus Christ, who answered St. Peter's question, how often he should forgive, and said, "Not seven, but seventy times seven times in a day shalt thou forgive."

But the other part of this article is entirely rejected. For in that they appropriate only two pieces of the atonement, they are contrary to the whole general

This is contrary to the church, which from the time of the apostles held and believed that there are three parts to repentance: repentance, confession, and atonement. Thus the ancient teachers, Origen, Cyprian, Chrysostom, Gregory, Augustine, taught with Scripture testimonies, especially from 2 Sam. 12 of David; 2 Chron. 33 of Manasseh, Ps. 31. 37. 50. 101 etc. Therefore, Pope Leo the Tenth, of blessed memory, has condemned the articles of Luther, who thus set forth: That there are three parts of repentance, repentance, confession, and atonement, is not founded in the holy Christian teachings. Therefore, this part of the article cannot be admitted. Nor can it be said that faith is a part of repentance, since it is known to all that faith precedes repentance. For he who does not believe will never repent. Nor is that part of this article to be accepted which despises repentance. For it is against the Gospel, against the Apostles, against the Fathers, against the Conciliarity, and against the whole Catholic Church. John the Baptist cries out, "Do worthy fruits of repentance," Matt. 3. St. Paul commands, "As you gave your members for the service of uncleanness, so now give your members for the service of righteousness, that they may be sanctified," Rom. 6. He also preaches the same to the Gentiles, how they should repent and turn to God, and do worthy works of repentance, Acts 26. Christ also began to preach and teach, "Repent, for the kingdom of heaven is at hand," Matt. 4. He then commanded his apostles to preach and teach in this manner, Luc. 24, and St. Peter faithfully followed him in his first sermon, Acts 2. 2 Augustine also exhorts that each one should take himself seriously, so that he, judged by himself, may not be judged by God, 1 Cor. 11.

Pope Leo Magnus says: "The mediator between God and men, the man Jesus Christ, has given the Church this superior power, that she should impose works of penance on the confessors, and admit those cleansed by salutary satisfaction to the communion of sacraments through the door of reconciliation. Thus Ambrose says: one should impose penance after the conscience has been burdened with sins. Various canons of penance are set forth in the holy synod held at Nicaea. The heretic Jovinianus thought that all sins were equal, therefore he did not want to allow the inequality of penances for sin.

For this reason, the satisfaction in the church, against the bright gospel, of the conciliar and the

Fathers' decree, should by no means be abandoned. Rather, those who are absolved by the priest are to perform the imposed penance and follow St. Paul: "He gave himself for us, that he might redeem us from all unrighteousness, and purify for himself a people for his own possession, diligent in good works," Titus 2. Thus Christ has done enough for us, that we also should be followers of good works, to fulfill the imposed penances.

The thirteenth article is recognized as good, since they say that the sacraments are ordained not only because they are to be a sign of Christians, but rather because they are to be a sign and testimony of the divine will toward us. But it is to be desired of them, what they speak here in general of sacraments, that they confess this also in particular of the seven sacraments of the church, and provide that they may be kept by their subjects.

But when they confess in the fourteenth article that no one in the church shall administer God's word and the holy sacraments unless he is duly called, it is to be understood that he is duly called who is called according to the form of the law, according to the church statutes and decrees, which have been held everywhere in the Christian world. Not as Jeroboam called his priests, nor by the tumult of the common rabble, or otherwise disorderly be intruded. For no man shall arrogate honor to himself, except he be called, as Aaron was. In this mind the confession is accepted. But they are to be admonished to persevere in it, and not to admit any pastor or preacher, unless he be rightly called, into their lands.

XV. If they confess in the fifteenth article that ceremonies are to be kept in the churches, which can be kept without sin, and are useful for unity and good order in the church, this is accepted. And the princes and cities are to be exhorted to keep the church ordinances, both of the general church and those kept in every country except ours, with all godliness and devotion, also in their dominions and territories, and to re-establish those which have hitherto been omitted. And to order everything to be done in their churches according to the old way, and also to command their subjects to follow it in deed.

The appendix of the article, however, as being quite false, shall be entirely taken away, that the human statutes, so as to propitiate God and to do enough for sin, shall be given over to the

The first is that they are completely contrary to the Gospel, as will be explained at length hereafter about vows, the difference of food, and the like.

The sixteenth article, of temporal authority, is readily accepted as being conformable not only to temporal law, but also to spiritual law, the Gospel, the Holy Scriptures, and the whole rule of faith. For the apostle commands that "every man should be subject to the authority that has power over him. For there is no authority without from God, but where there is authority, it is ordered by God. He who resists the authorities is resisting God's order. But those who resist will receive judgment upon themselves," Rom. 13:1 ff. And it is pledged that the rulers condemn the Anabaptists, who destroy all worldly order, and forbid the Christians the authorities and other civil offices, without which no civil community can be governed.

XVII The confession of the seventeenth article is accepted. For the whole Catholic Church knows from the apostolic symbol and from the Holy Scriptures that Christ will come on the last day to judge the living and the dead. For this reason they also condemn the Anabaptists, who are of the opinion that there is an end to the damnation of men and the torment of the devil. They themselves also make up in the Jewish way a kingdom of godliness before the resurrection of the dead in this world, in which they will oppress all the ungodly.

XVIII. In the eighteenth article, they confess the power of free will, that it has the freedom to do civil justice, but does not have the power to do God's justice without the Holy Spirit. This confession is approved and accepted. For so it behooves the Catholics to take the middle course, lest too much be given to the free will with the Pelagians, nor all freedom taken from the will with the godless Manichaeans; for both are wrong.

Thus Augustine says: "That there is a free will in man, we are to believe with certain faith, and confess without doubt. For it is an inhuman error to deny the free will in man, which every man can find in himself, and is often proved in the holy Scriptures. St. Paul says, "But he that hath power of his will," 1 Cor. 7. Of the righteous, the wise man says, "He that can transgress, and hath not transgressed; he that can do evil, hath not done it," Sir. 31, 10. God said to Cain, "If thou be godly, thou art

But if you are not pious, sin rests at the door. But do not let it have its way, but rule over it," Genesis 4. Through the prophet Isaiah he says: "If you are willing and hear me, you will eat the goods of the earth. But if ye will not, and provoke me to anger, the sword shall devour you." This is what Jeremiah said recently: "Behold, you have spoken evil and done evil, and you have been able to do it," Jer. 3.

Let us also add to this St. Ezekiel's testimony in chapter 18: "Cast away from you all your iniquity, that ye have transgressed; and make you a new heart, and a new spirit. And why then wilt thou die, O house of Israel? For I have no pleasure in the death of the wicked, 1) saith the Lord. Therefore be converted, and ye shall live"; and St. Paul: "The spirit of the prophets is subject to the prophets," 1 Cor. 14; and 2 Cor. 9: "Every man according to his own will, not with unwillingness, nor of constraint. For a cheerful giver is loved by God." Finally, Christ struck down all Manichaeans with One Word when He said, "The poor ye have always with you, and if ye will ye may do them good," Marc. 14; and to Jerusalem, "How often have I willed to gather thy children under my wings, and thou hast not willed," saith Christ Matt. 23.

The nineteenth article is also found to be true. For God, as the highest good, is not a cause of evil, but the rational and apostate will is a cause of sins. Therefore, no one should impute his iniquity and sin to God, but to himself, according to the saying of Jer. 2: "It is the fault of your wickedness that you are thus punished, and of your disobedience that you are thus punished"; and Hosea 13: "Israel, you bring yourself into misfortune, for your salvation is with me alone." And David recognized in the spirit that God does not want sin, Ps. 5.

XX. In the twentieth article, which is not so much the confession of princes and cities as the excuse of preachers, there is a clause that applies to princes and cities, namely, that good works do not merit forgiveness of sins; for as it was rejected and condemned above, so it is rejected and condemned again. For the saying of Daniel, which is very wicked, saith otherwise, Loose thy sin with alms, Dan. 4. and Tobias saith unto his son, that alms are a remission of all sin, and of the

1) "Godless" put by us instead of: "dying" in the old edition. Because also in the Vulgate it says: imxit.

And Christ: "Give alms, and all things shall be clean unto you," Luc. 11. If works deserve nothing, why should the wise man have said, "God rewardeth the saints for their work"? Weish. 10. Why did St. Peter so diligently exhort us to good works? saying, "Therefore, brethren, be all the more diligent to establish your profession and election by good works," 2 Pet. 1. Why would Paul have said, "God is not unjust, that He should forget your work and labor of love, which ye have shown toward His name"? Heb. 6.

By this we do not despise the merit of Christ, but know that our works are nothing, and are not meritorious, except in the power of the merit of Christ's suffering. We know that Christ is the way, the life and the truth, John 14. But Christ, as a good shepherd, who began to do and to teach (Acts 1), has given us an example that we should do also as he did, John 13, and has gone through the wilderness by the way of good works, which all Christians should follow, and according to his commandment take up their cross and follow him, Matthew 10 and 16. And whoever does not take up the cross cannot be Christ's disciple. And is it also true that John says, "Whosoever shall say that he abideth in Christ, even so shall he walk, even as he walked", 1 John 2.

This opinion of good works, however, was condemned and rejected eleven hundred years ago, at the time of Augustine.

XXI Lastly, they set forth the twenty-first article, in which they declare that the saints are to be remembered, that we may follow their faith and good works, but not that they are to be invoked and help sought from them. Which is to be wondered at, that the princes and cities have tolerated that such error has been awakened in their dominions, which is so often condemned in the church, since eleven hundred years ago St. Jerome overcame the heretic Vigilantius in this matter. A long time later, the Albigensians, pauperes de Lugduno, the Picardians, have brought back this error, all of which have long since been rightfully condemned. Therefore, this article of the Confession, repeatedly condemned, is to be rejected completely, and to be reprobated with the general whole orthodox church. For that one should call upon the saints, we have not only the custom and authority of the general church, but also the consensus of all the holy fathers, Augustini, Hieronymi, Cypriani, Chrysostomi, Basilii, Bernhardt, and the

This Catholic doctrine does not lack the testimony and authority of the Holy Scriptures.

For that one should honor the saints was also taught by Christ, when he said: "Whoever serves me will be honored by my Father who is in heaven", John 12. If then God honors the saints, why should we humans not honor them? The Lord also turned to the repentance of Job, when he asked for his friends, Job 42. Why should the pious God not rather grant the request of the virgins Mary, because he granted Job? We also read in Baruch at the 3rd Cap. [V. 4. Vulg.]: "Lord, Almighty God of Israel, hear now the prayer of the dead of Israel." This is what the dead pray for us. So did Onias and Jeremiah in the Old Testament. For Judas Maccabeus saw Oniam the high priest stretching out his hand and praying for all the people of the Jews. And afterward there appeared unto him an old glorious man, clothed in delicious apparel, and in a most glorious form beside him. And Onias said to Judah, "This is Jeremiah, the prophet of God, who loves your brothers very much, and always prays for the people and the holy city," 2 Macc. 15.

We also know from God's Word that the angels also pray for us. Why then should we deny this of the saints? "O Lord of hosts," says the angel, "how long wilt thou not have mercy on Jerusalem, and on the cities of Judah, against which thou hast been wroth these seventy years? and the Lord answered the angel that talked with him with words of comfort and kindness. 1 Job also testifies to this: "If an angel, baptizing one, speaks to him, telling a man how he should do right, he will be inclined to him, saying, 'He shall be delivered, lest he go down to destruction,'" Job 33:23, 24. It is also evident from the words of the holy souls of John the Evangelist, where he says: "Then the four beasts and the four and twenty elders fell down before the Lamb, each having harps and golden bowls and incense, which are the prayers of the saints," Revelation 5:14 and 8:3. 5, 14. and 8, 3. f. "And another angel came and stood by the altar, having a golden censer; and there was given unto him much incense, the prayer of all the saints upon the golden altar before the throne: and the smoke of the incense of the prayer of the saints went up from the hand of the angel before God."

At last, St. Cyprian, martyr, one thousand two hundred and fifty years ago, wrote to the pope Cornelius, in the first book in the

first epistle, requesting that whoever passes away first should not cease to pray for the brothers and sisters. If the holy man had not considered it true that the saints prayed for the living after this life, he would have exhorted Cornelium to do so in vain.

Nor is this article of the Confession sufficiently confirmed by the fact that there is only One Mediator of God and man, 1 Tim. 2 and 1 John 2. Maj. confesses with the whole church that there is only One Mediator of salvation, there are nevertheless many mediators of intercession. So also Moses was a mediator and intercessor between God and man, Deut. 5, because he prayed for the children of Israel, Deut. 17 and 32. So St. Paul prayed for those who were with him in the ship, Apost. 27. 27. so Paul himself desired that the Romans might pray for him, Rom. 15, the Corinthians, 2 Cor. 1, the Colossians, Col. 4. so while St. Peter was in prison, the prayer was made without ceasing in the church for him, Acts 12. 12. For this reason Christ is our supreme intercessor, and the greatest. But since the saints are the members of Christ (1 Cor. 12 and Eph. 5) and they conform their will to the will of Christ, and see that our Head, Christ, pleads for us, who can doubt that the saints do what they see Christ do?

In consideration of all these causes, it is to be requested of the princes and cities, dependent on them, that they reject this little piece of the Confession, and hold with the holy general orthodox church, believe and confess from the holy honors and intercession, what the whole Christian world believes and confesses, and also at the time of Augustine has been common in all churches; As he says, the Christian people remember the martyrs with great devotion and glory, that they may be awakened to follow them, and be made partakers of their merits, and be helped by their prayers.

Response to the other part of the Confession.

Of both shape.

That in the confession of princes and cities it is counted among the abuses that only one form of the sacrament is administered to the laity, and therefore in their dominions they allow the laity to administer both forms, from this it is to be answered: that according to the custom of the holy church this is not properly counted among the abuses, since according to the same church custom and statutes it is

is more of an abuse and disobedience to hand both figures to the laity.

For under one form of bread the saints communicated in the first church, of whom Lucas says: "But they remained constant in the apostles' teaching, and in the fellowship, and in the breaking of bread. 2 Here Lucas thinks only of the bread. As he also says Apost. 20: "Now on one Sabbath, when the disciples came together to break bread." Yes, Christ, the founder of this most holy sacrament, resurrected from the dead, gave the Eucharist in one form alone to the disciples who went to Emmaus, when he took bread, blessed it, broke it, and gave it to them, but they knew him from the breaking of bread, Luc. 24. 24 Augustine, Chrysostom, Theophylactus and Beda, some of whom lived many hundreds of years ago and not long after the time of the apostles, prove that it was the Eucharist. Also Christ Joh. 6 often remembers the bread alone. St. Ignatius, St. John the Evangelist's disciple, in the Epistle to the Ephesians, remembers the bread alone in the "Eucharist" communion.

Blessed Ambrose does the same in the Book of the Sacraments, where he speaks of lay communion. In the Concilio Remensi, the laity are forbidden not to offer the Sacrament of the Body to the sick. And there is no mention of the form of wine. From this it is to be understood that the Sacrament is given to the sick only under one form. This is confirmed by the old Canons poenitentiales. For the Concilium Agathense thrusts a poor priest into the monastery, and gives him communion after the laity. Osius, in the Concilio Sardicensi, forbids some nefarious ones to take the communion of the laity, because they confess beforehand. Therefore, there has always been a difference in the Church between the lay communion under one form and a priest under two forms.

Which was finely indicated before in the Old Testament, by the descendants of Heli: "It shall come to pass (says God 1 Sam. 2) that whoever shall remain in your house, that he shall come to be prayed for, and he shall offer a silver penny and morsel of bread. And he will say, Dear, let me go to a priest's portion, that I may eat a morsel of bread." Here the holy scripture clearly shows that the descendants of Heli, when the priesthood is taken from them, desire that they may be admitted to a priestly portion, to a morsel of bread. In the same way, our laymen are to be granted a priestly portion, a morsel of bread.

To be satiated in one form. For even the Roman popes, cardinals, and all bishops and priests, except for the mass, and in their last, to take to the Viatico (as it is called in the Nicene Concilio), are satisfied with one form; which they would not do if they thought that both forms were necessary for beatitude.

Although in the past in many churches both forms were given to the laity (because at that time it was free to communicate under one or two forms), for the sake of danger such a habit of giving both forms has remained. For if one considers the multitude of the people, there are the old, the young, the trembling, the sick, the crippled; where great care is not taken, the sacrament could easily be dishonored by the pouring out of the wine (liquidi). Also, in front of such a large crowd of people, it would be difficult to carefully pour a measure of wine from a chalice, and if it were kept for a long time, it would become vinegar and disgust the communicants, or give rise to vomiting, and could not be easily carried around to the sick without danger of spilling.

By these and other causes, no doubt by inspiration of the Holy Spirit, the churches, when it was the custom to give both forms to the laity, have been moved that henceforth only One Form shall be given. And this is primarily considered, that the whole Christ is received under one form, and not less under one, than under two forms.

And so it was decided in the Concilium at Costnitz, and a decree was issued. Thus the Concilium of Basel has lawfully decided. And although it was formerly free to use one or both forms in the Lord's Supper, nevertheless, since the heresy arose which taught that both forms were necessary, the holy church, guided by the Holy Spirit, forbade both forms to the laity. For thus the church sometimes also uses repugnant statutes to curb heresies. When those who disputed that only unleavened bread should be consecrated in the Sacrament were discovered, the Church for a time commanded that leavened bread should be consecrated. Since Nestorius wanted the ever-virgin Mary to be Christ's mother, and not God's mother, the Church forbade that she should be called Christ's mother. Therefore, the princes and cities should be requested not to introduce this rift or schism into the Roman Empire in Germany, and not to let themselves be led away from the general church custom.

Nor do the arguments introduced in this article prove anything. For although Christ ordained both forms of the sacrament, nowhere in the Gospel is it found that both forms are commanded to be used by the laity. But that Christ says Matth. 26: "Drink from it, all of you," is told to the twelve apostles, the priests; which is evident from Marco, when he says: "And they all drank from it." Which, indeed, has not yet been fulfilled in the laity. Therefore it has never been customary in the whole church for the laity to be given both forms; although the custom may have been observed among the Corinthians and Carthaginians and some other churches.

But that they introduce Gelasius, Cap. Com- perimus, de consecratione, dist. 2: If they look at the letter, they will find that Gelasius speaks of the priests and not of the laity. Therefore, it is to be rejected that they say that the custom of giving a form is contrary to divine right.

And especially one should reject the appendix of the article, that therefore the procession with the Eucharist is to be omitted, because otherwise the sacrament would be divided. For they themselves know, or should know, from the Christian faith, that Christ is not divided, but is entirely under both forms, and that the Gospel nowhere forbids the division of the forms of the Sacrament. Which is done on the day of Paraskeue 1) in the common Catholic Church; although the one who celebrates Mass consecrates both forms, he should also take both forms. Therefore the princes and cities are to be admonished that they show due reverence and honor to the Lord Christ, the Son of the living God, our Redeemer and Savior, the Lord in heaven and on earth, because they truly believe and confess that he is present. Which they also know was kept with all devotion by their forefathers, the Christian princes.

From the priest marriage.

That they refer to the celibate state of the clergy among abuses, and permit their priests to take wives, and advise others to take them: is it to be wondered at that they call the priestly celibacy an abuse, since rather

1) In the writing No. 1000 in this volume, § 85 towards the end, we read: "Half mass on silent Friday." The explanation is given to us in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, Vol. I, p. 101: "Am stillen Freitag halbe Messen ohne (an) der Gestalt des Weins." - "Paraskene" - preparation day, the day before the Sabbath.

the transgression of the celibacy, and the improper admission to the married state in the priests is to be called the very worst abuse.

For that the priests should never take wives is testified by Aurelius in the Concilio of Carthage, where he says: "That which the apostles have taught by their example, and the ancients have kept, we also ought to keep. And a little before, such a Canon is read: It pleases us that the bishops, priests, deacons, and those who administer the sacraments should keep chastity and abstain from women. From these words it is evident that this tradition was adopted by the Apostles, and not recently invented by the Church. Augustine, who followed Aurelio in the bishopric, in the last question of the New and Old Testament, writes with these words, asking: "If it is said that it is right and good to be free, why must priests not have wives? The pope Calixtus, a holy man and martyr, decreed thirteen hundred years ago that the priests should not take wives. In the same case we read in the holy Conciliis, Caesariensi, Neocaesariensi, Africano, Agathensi, Gerundensi, Meldensi, Aurelianensi. And so it has been held from the time of the Gospel and the Apostles that no one in the priestly office is permitted by right to take a wife.

It is true that in the first Church, for lack of ecclesiastics, husbands were admitted to the priesthood, as is evident from the Canonibus of the Apostles and Paphnutii's answer in the Concilio Niceno; nevertheless, those who wished to be free had to do so before being admitted to the subdiaconal order; as is stated in C. Si quis eorum, dist. 32. 32 This custom of the first Church has lasted until the present day and has been retained by the Greek Church. But since by God's grace the Church increased that there was no lack of servants of God in the Church, the pope Siricius, eleven hundred and forty years ago, no doubt not without the Holy Spirit, commanded the priests perfect chastity, C. Plurimos, dist. 28, which the popes Jnnocentius I, Leo Magnus and Gregorius Magnus recognized and confirmed as right, and the Catholic Church has kept it everywhere until this day. From which arguments it is sufficiently proven that the celibacy of the clergy is not an abuse, because it has been confirmed by such holy fathers for such a long time and accepted by the whole Latin Church.

There were also the priests of the old law at the time of their office and service in the temple of

But because a priest of the new law should always wait for his priesthood, it follows that he should always be chaste.

Furthermore, husbands and wives should not deprive each other of their duty, but only for a time (1 Cor. 7), so that they may pray. Since a priest should pray for and for, he should also abstain from women at all times. These causes have attracted Jerome, Ambrose, Augustine.

Furthermore St. Paul says: "I want you to be without care. He who is without a wife cares for what belongs to the Lord, as he pleases the Lord; but he who is free cares for what belongs to the world, as he pleases the woman," 1 Cor. 7. Therefore a priest who is to please God forever should avoid the care of the woman, nor look back with the wife of Lot, Gen. 19.

Further, priestly chastity was prefigured in the Old Testament. For Moses, when he received the law, commanded that they should not approach their wives until the third day, Exodus 19. Therefore the priests, who are to receive the Lawgiver, Christ the Lord and our Savior, should approach their wives much less. Likewise the priests had to wear linen low garments to cover the flesh of the shame, Exodus 28, which was a sign of the future abstinence in the priests, says Beda.

When Abimelech was to give the sacred bread to the boys of David, did he first ask them if they had abstained from women? David answered the priest and said to him, "The women were kept from us for three days when I went out," 1 Sam. 21. Therefore they must always be pure when they take the living bread that comes from heaven, Jn. 6.

Their loins were girded when they ate the paschal lamb, Exodus 12. Therefore, the priests who often eat our paschal lamb, Christ, should also gird their loins by abstinence and purity.

As the Lord commanded them, "Be pure," He says, "you who carry the Lord's vessel," Isa. 52. "Be holy, for I am holy," Deut. 19. Therefore the priests should serve God in holiness and righteousness all their lives, Luc. 1.

Therefore, the holy martyr Cyprian testifies that it was revealed to him by the Lord, and that he was earnestly commanded that he should diligently exhort the clerics that they should not have a common abode with women. Therefore, priestly chastity, because it is commanded by the councils and popes, revealed by God, with its own arbitrariness.

vowed by the priest to God, is not to be rejected. For the high and excellent sacrifice they perform, the daily prayer, the freedom and purity of the spirit, that they may be anxious to please God, according to Paul's teaching, require such chastity.

For since it is evident that this is the old heresy of Joviniani, which the Roman Church has condemned and St. Jerome has subdued with writings, and St. Augustine says that this heresy will soon be eradicated and will not come so far as to take over the priests. Augustine says that this heresy will soon be eradicated, and that it will not come so far that the priests will be taken over and corrupted by it, so the princes should by no means tolerate such corruption of the priests, which is to the eternal shame and dishonor of the Holy Roman Empire, but should rather keep to the general church, and should not be moved by that which is brought before them against it.

For that St. Paul says 1 Cor. 7: "Let every man have his own wife, to avoid fornication", to which Jerome answers that he speaks of him who has not taken a vow. Anastasius or Vulgarius also understands this saying of St. Paul: "A virgin does not sin if she is free. Here he calls a virgin who is not consecrated to God.

Thus, to the saying: "It is better to be free than to suffer heat", St. Jerome answered sharply against the Jovinianum. For the same Paul says: "It is good for a man not to touch a woman." For a priest has the means that he neither suffers heat nor free, but abstains by God's grace, which he obtains from God through intimate prayer and chastening of the flesh, through fasting and vigil.

Furthermore, they say that Christ taught that not all men are fit for the celibate life: this is certainly true, therefore they are not all fit for the priesthood. But if a priest prays diligently, he will be able to grasp Christ's word of abstinence, as St. Paul says: "I can do all things in him who strengthens me," Phil. 4. For abstinence is God's gift, Wis. 8.

Furthermore, that one pretends that this is God's order and commandment, Genesis 1, to which Jerome answered a thousand years ago with these words: It was necessary to first plant a forest and let it grow, so that one would have it afterwards, so that one could build from it. At that time it was commanded concerning the generation of children that the earth should be filled. But because it is full, and so full that one almost crushes another, it is now not commanded to those who can abstain.

They also boast in vain of the divine command. But they may prove, if they can, where God commanded the priests that they should take wives.

In addition, it is found in the divine law that the vows once made are to be kept, Ps. 40 and 75, Eccl. 5. Why then do they not keep the bright divine law?

They also falsify St. Paul, who commands that a bishop who is elected should be a husband, when St. Paul says that he should be the husband of a woman. Which is not to be understood that he should be a husband. Otherwise Martinus, Nicolaus, Titus, John the Evangelist, even Christ would not have been bishops. Therefore Jerome explains these words of St. Paul: "That a bishop should be the husband of one wife means that he should not have had two wives in succession. The truth of this statement is not only evident from Jerome, whose authority should nevertheless be held in high esteem by every Catholic, but also from St. Paul, who writes of a widow: "Let no widow be mentioned who is under sixty years of age and has been a man's wife," 1 Tim. 5.

That they finally attract the Germans' action against the celibacy, they attract a mere action and no right. For when Emperor Henricus IV was at odds with the pope and his son and the princes of the empire, and made war, both human and divine rights were thrown into one heap. Thus, at that time, laymen were allowed to measure, to use dung for holy oil, to baptize, and to do many other things against the Christian religion. With such disobedience, the clergy also did too much, which now cannot be claimed to be right.

It has also not been wrong to divorce again the ungodly marriages, which are contracted against the vows and statutes of the fathers and councils. Just as today the priests' marriages with their supposed wives are invalid. For this reason they complain in vain that the world is growing old, and that this medicine should be given to the weak. For those who are consecrated to God have another remedy for weakness, namely, that they should avoid the company of women, should not walk idly, should discipline their flesh with fasting and vigilance, should keep their outward senses, especially their eyes and ears, from all that is unseemly; their eyes, so that they do not see vanity. Finally, they shall restrain their little ones, that is, the carnal thoughts on the

They should stop their desires, call upon and knock upon the pious God for and for with true devotion. These are undoubtedly the most powerful remedies useful for the preservation of chastity in persons who serve the Church and God.

St. Paul rightly said that it is devil's doctrine of those who forbid marriage. Such were the heretics Tatianus and Marcion, whom Augustine and Jerome remember. But the church does not forbid marriage at all, so it also counts marriage among the seven sacraments. In this, it exists that, for the sake of the high office, it gives the church servants a higher degree of purity. For it is false that a commandment of God is from the free, otherwise John the Evangelist, St. James, St. Lawrence, Titus, Martinus, Catharine, Barbara would have sinned.

Cyprian, who was attracted by them, does not speak of a virgin who had made a glorious vow, but of one who had decided to abstain from marriage, as the beginning of the other epistle of the first book sufficiently indicates. For it is certain in the opinion of St. Augustine that it is condemnable for virgins who take a vow not only to be free, but also to want to be free. Therefore, the abuse of the marriage state and the breaking of vows in the clergy is not to be tolerated at all.

From the fair.

What is set forth in this article of the most holy office of the Mass, which is in accordance with the Holy Roman and Apostolic Church, is accepted. But what is done to it, which is contrary to the common and catholic church observation, that is rejected, because it greatly angers God, violates Christian unity, and arouses disunity and sedition in the holy Roman Empire.

For as far as the things which they pretend in this article are concerned, we dislike first of all this: that they, contrary to the whole Roman church custom, do not say the mass and other church ceremonies in Roman, but in German, for the most part. And that they pretend to do it from St. Paul's command, which is to teach that one should use such a language in church that the common man can understand, 1 Cor. 14: if this were Paul's words, they would be urged to say the whole mass in German, which they nevertheless do not do either.

Because the priest is a common person of the whole church, not only of the bystanders,

it is no wonder that the priest says mass in Latin in the Latin church.

But the Latin language is also useful for the German to hear, if he hears mass in the faith of the church. And there is the experience that far more devotion is awakened among the pious Germans, when they hear mass in unknown language, than today with those, who hear the mass in German language. And if the words of the Apostle are rightly considered, it is enough that one who answers fills the place of a layman who says Amen. Which the canons also prescribe. And it is not necessary that he hear and understand all the words of the Mass, or if he understands them, that he always pay equal attention to them. For it is better to understand and consider the end for which the Mass is said, namely, that the Eucharist be offered up in remembrance of the passion of Christ.

It also serves that the apostles and their successors, according to the common opinion of the fathers, until the time of Emperor Adrian, celebrated mass only in the Hebrew language, which was truly unknown to the Christians, and especially to the converted pagans. Even if the mass had been celebrated in a language known and used by the common people at that time, it is not necessary now. For at that time many were converted daily to the Christian faith who knew nothing of the ceremonies and mysteries of the Christian churches. Therefore, it was good for them to understand the words of the ministry from time to time. But nowadays the Catholics are educated from childhood in the habits and customs of the church, so they can easily know what to do in church at any time.

But that they complain of the abuses of the masses, is not an understanding man, who would not gladly that the abuses were abolished. But that those who serve the altar live from the altar is not an abuse, but according to divine and human rights: for "who ever gets on his own wages?" says Paul: "Do you not know that those who sacrifice eat of the sacrifice, and those who tend the altar enjoy the altar?" And Christ says, "A laborer is worth his wages," Matt. 10.

It is, however, above all criminal that in some places the private masses have been abolished, as if they should be held no less than others for the sake of profit, even though they already have large pensions. But by this abolition of the masses, the service is diminished, the saints are deprived of their honor, the founder's last will is broken and nullified, and the deceased are deprived of their honor.

deprived of their suffragies, and the living devotion is distorted and perishes. For this reason, the abolition of private masses is by no means to be yielded to, nor tolerated.

Nor can it be sufficiently understood what is meant by the objection that Christ has done enough for original sin and has instituted the mass for real sins. For this has never been heard from the Catholics, and those who are now asked about it constantly testify that they have never taught it in this way. For the Mass does not cancel the sins that are cured by penance, as by a special remedy. It removes the punishment for sin, fulfills the satisfaction, increases grace, is beneficial to the living, and finally brings the hope of divine comfort and help in all concerns and needs.

That they further claim that Christ is not sacrificed in the mass is, as previously condemned and rejected by the faithful, completely unacceptable. For this is the old heresy of the Arians, says Augustine, who denied that in the Mass a sacrifice is made for the living and the dead. And this is contrary to the Holy Scripture and the whole Catholic Church. For the Lord, through the prophet Malachiam, preached the rejection of the Jews, the calling of the Gentiles, and the sacrifice of the Gospel law: "I have no pleasure in you, saith the Lord of hosts. And the grain offering from your hands is not acceptable to me. But from the going forth of the sun even unto the going down of the same my name shall be glorified among the heathen, and in every place incense shall be burned unto my name, and a pure meat offering shall be offered."-Mal. 1 Now no pure sacrifice is offered to God in all places except the purest eucharistia in the sacrifice of the altar. This testimony was used by St. Augustine and other Catholics against the unfaithful Jews, which is truly more valid among Catholic princes than all the opponents' counter-talk.

The same prophet, speaking of the future of Messiah, says: "He will purify the children of Levi and purify them like gold and silver, and they will bring grain offerings to the Lord in righteousness, and the grain offering of Judah and Jerusalem will be pleasing to the Lord, as it was before, and as it was many years ago. 3 Here the prophet saw beforehand in the spirit the children of Levi, that is, the evangelical priests, says Jerome, that they should sacrifice, not in the blood of goats, but in righteousness. Therefore, these very words in the same spirit, so that they are written out by the prophet, are repeated in the sacred canon of the mass.

The angel also said to Daniel: "Many will be cleansed, purified and proved, and the wicked will lead an ungodly life, and the wicked will not respect it, but the wise will respect it. And from the time that the daily sacrifice is taken away, and an abomination of desolation is offered, there shall be a thousand two hundred and ninety days," Dan. 12. That this prophecy shall be fulfilled, and is not yet fulfilled, Christ testifies Matt. 24. Therefore, in the future of the abomination, that is, of the Antichrist, the daily sacrifice of the Christians will cease completely, as it has now ceased in part in some churches, and will thus sit in the place of desolation, namely, when the churches will be desolate, and no horae canonicus will be sung in them, nor masses celebrated, nor sacraments administered, no altars, no images of the saints, no lights, no ornaments.

Therefore, to admonish all princes and the faithful subjects of the Holy Roman Empire not to do or slacken, thereby preparing the way for such an utterly godless nature of the Antichrist, when the universal, that is, the Catholic Church, as St. John saw in the Spirit, will flee into the wilderness, having a place prepared by God to be nourished there a thousand two hundred and sixty days, Revelation 12.

Finally, St. Paul says Heb. 5: "Every high priest that is taken from among men is set apart for men against God, that he may offer gifts and sacrifices for sin." Since the outward high priesthood does not cease in the new law, but has been changed into a better one, therefore also today the high priest and the whole priesthood in the church shall offer an outward sacrifice, which is none other than the Eucharist.

Here can be drawn that in the Acts of the Apostles at the 13th Cap. is read, according to the new translation, that Barnabas, Simon, Lucius of Cyrene, Manaches and Saul have sacrificed, which is not to be understood from the sacrifice, the idols have happened, but from the mass, because it is called Liturgia by the Greeks.

And that the mass in the church was a sacrifice is sufficiently testified by all the holy fathers. For Ignatius, a disciple of St. John the Apostle, says: "Without a bishop, one should neither offer sacrifice nor celebrate mass. And Irenaeus, a disciple of St. John the Evangelist, testifies that Christ taught the new sacrifice of the New Testament, which the Church received from the apostles and offered to God throughout the world. This bishop,

who lived soon after the time of the apostles, testifies that the gospel sacrifice is offered throughout the world. The same teaches Origen, Cyprian, Jerome, Chrysostom, Augustine, Basil, Hilarius etc., which words are omitted for the sake of brevity. Therefore, because the Catholic Church from the time of the apostles throughout the Christian world has always taught and held as it does now, it should also be held and preserved in this way everywhere from now on, without any contradiction.

Thus the saying of St. Paul to the Hebrews is not against the sacrifice of the Mass, when he says: "that we are sanctified by the one sacrifice of the body of JEsu Christ, which was once made." For St. Paul speaks of the offering of the bloody sacrifice, the slaughtered lamb, on the altar of the holy cross, which sacrifice has indeed been made once, and therefore all sacraments and also the sacrifice of the Mass have their power. For this reason, it was sacrificed once on the cross, by pouring out its blood, but today it is sacrificed daily in the mass in secret, without suffering, as it was sacrificed in the Old Testament in an exemplary and figurative way.

Finally, that the mass is a sacrifice is given by the words themselves; for missa means no other than a sacrifice on the altar, which in Hebrew is mis- beach, and in Greek θυσιαστήριον, from sacrifice ge

is called.

But it is sufficiently explained above that we are not justified by faith, but by love. But if in the holy scripture such a speech is found, the catholics know that it is said de fide formata, from faith, which is active through love and good works, Gal. 5, and because justification is begun by faith, because it is the essence of things hoped for, Hebr. 11.

Nor is it denied that the mass is a memorial of the suffering of Christ and the good deeds of God. For the example of the paschal lamb, which was at the same time a sacrifice and a memorial, proved this, Exodus 12, and is represented in the Catholic Church not only with words and sacrament, but also with holy vestments and garments. But in memory of the sacrifice made on the Cross, the Church offers the Eucharist in secret to God the Father Almighty.

Therefore it is not punished that the princes and cities hold a common mass in their churches, if they do this rightly according to the holy canon, as all Catholics do. But that they all

other masses, the Christian community suffers from the

Profession not.

No one punishes the fact that all the present people communicated in the past. God would have them all be so skilled that they would take this bread worthily every day. But if they think that one mass is useful, how much more would many masses be useful, which they have unjustly taken.

In view of all these causes mentioned, it is to be desired that they completely abolish and reject the new form of keeping masses, invented by them and now changed several times, and that they again adopt the old way of keeping masses, according to the old usage and custom of the Germans and of the whole Christianity, and that they again establish the aborted masses, according to the last will of the founders, in which they can create all welfare and honor for themselves, and peace and tranquility for the whole German country.

From confession.

As far as confession is concerned, let it remain with the answer and opinion previously given in the XI article. For it is false what they bring forward from Chrysostom, who speaks of public confession, but they refer it to sacramental and priestly confession. Which his words clarify, since he says in the beginning: "I do not tell you that you should betray yourself publicly and accuse yourself to others. Thus Gratianus and Longobardus answered three hundred years ago, and this answer becomes clearer from other oterts of Chrysostom, as when he speaks of the penitent in the 29th sermon: He repents of sin in his heart, and confesses, and demonstrates righteous humility in his works. This is a fruitful and perfect repentance. Does he not here expressly set three pieces of repentance? Thus, in the 10th Homily on Matthew, he also teaches the appointed time for confession, and that afterwards the opened wounds of sins are healed by repentance. But how can sins be opened if they are not revealed to the priest through confession? So Chrysostom himself refutes this opinion in many places, which Jerome also pushes completely to the ground, saying: "If the serpent, the devil, bites one secretly, and, since no one knows about it, poisons him with the poison of sins, if he is silent, who is wounded, and does not repent, and does not want to confess his wounds to the brother and master. For if a sick person is ashamed to reveal his wounds to the physician, the art of medicine cannot heal the disease if it does not know. Therefore the

Princes and estates should much rather believe these excellent old doctrines than the few glosses in the decree, which have always been contested and rejected by legal scholars.

Therefore they are to be admonished, because a perfect confession is not only necessary for salvation, but is also the noblest bond of Christian discipline and whole church obedience, that they behave like the orthodox church in this. For as Jerome testifies, the same is their opinion of the Montan heresy, which was condemned twelve hundred and more years ago, because they were ashamed to confess their sin. Therefore, they should not follow the error of Montani, but rather the practice of the Holy Fathers and the entire Catholic Church, that each one in his dominions should command confession, as the most precious treasure in the Church of God, according to the rule of faith and all custom, to be kept also by their Church.

Of human statutes.

What they have brought up later, about the difference of food and such statutes, which they regard as contemptible, is to be rejected. For we know from the apostle that all authority is from God, and especially spiritual authority is given by God for edification. Therefore, by a Christian heart obedient to the holy church, the same holy catholic and apostolic church should adopt statutes that serve the church, both to increase the worship of God and to restrain the lusts of the flesh, because they make it easier to keep the divine commandments, and are advised in the holy Scriptures; and whoever despises them, or opposes them freely, angers God, according to the saying of the Lord Christ: "He that heareth you heareth me, and he that despiseth you despiseth me," Luc. 10. but a prelate is despised when his statutes are despised, and St. Paul says, "He that despiseth these despiseth not a man, but God, who hath given you his Holy Ghost in you," 1 Thess. 4; and, speaking to the bishops, "Take heed to yourselves, and to all the host, among whom the Holy Ghost hath made you bishops, to govern the Church of God," Apost. 20.

If the prelates have the power to govern, they must also have the power to make statutes for the wholesome government of the church and the best of the subjects. For the same apostle also commanded the Corinthians that all things should be done among them.

But this cannot happen without laws. Therefore he commanded the Hebrews and said: "Obey your teachers", Hebr. 13, since Paul not only demands obedience, but also indicates the cause of obedience.

St. Paul used such authority when he gave so many laws besides the gospel, about the election of a bishop, about widows, about women, that they should cover their heads and keep silent in church, and also about other worldly things, 1 Thess. 4, about worldly courts, 1 Cor. 6, and says quite clearly to the Corinthians: "To the others I say, and not the Lord", 1 Cor. 7.

And elsewhere he says: "Behold and keep the statutes which ye have learned, or by our epistle, or by the preachers", 2 Thess. 2, 15. Therefore the princes and cities are to be admonished that they render and show obedience to the church ordinances and statutes, lest, when they withdraw their due obedience to God, they again be despised by their subjects, and they also would not render due obedience to them, as in the next peasant revolt the subjects submitted themselves. Therefore, they should be careful not to be seduced by false teachings.

It is also quite wrong for them to say that the righteousness of faith is obscured by such statutes. For one would have to be senseless and foolish who would keep them without faith, because they are prescribed for believers, not for Turks or Agarenes. For "what have I to do with them that are without?" saith St. Paul, 1 Cor. 5. But that they here exalt faith above all things, in this they are contrary to St. Paul, as we also said above, and tear St. Paul apart, whom, speaking of the works of the law, they draw to the evangelical works, as all such errors are rejected above.

It is also wrong that the statutes should obscure the commandments of God, since they are useful to a man in keeping the divine commandments, just as by fasting the flesh lusts are subdued and killed, so that it does not become lustful.

It is also a falsehood that it is impossible to keep the statutes, because the Mother, the Church, is not so merciless that she should not, in case of need, dispense with holidays, fasting and the like.

About this they falsely introduce Augustine ad inquisitionem Januarii, which is directly opposed to them. For he at the same place expressly

concludes: what is taught and commanded by the church in general everywhere, that the same should be kept by all. But the middle things, and those which are free, may be kept or not kept. Thus the holy father Augustine and the blessed Ambrose conclude that one should keep the custom of every church; for, he says, when I come to Rome, I fast; when I am here, I do not fast.

Furthermore, they do violence to the holy scripture by daring to strengthen their errors with it. For Christ, Matt. 15, does not reject all human statutes, but only those that are against God's law, which is revealed in Marci the seventh; and here Matt. 15: "Why then," says Christ, "do you transgress God's commandment for your own sake? So Paul gives Col. 2, that no man should judge in eating and drinking, and in holidays, according to the Jewish custom. For the church does not consider meat unclean, even if it is to be eaten, as the Jews in the synagogue thought.

Thus the saying of Christ concerning that which passes through the mouth is drawn here without right understanding, since it was the opinion of the Lord Christ to abolish the error of the Jews herewith, who meant that food touched without washed hands would be unclean, and whoever eats it would become unclean; as is evident from the circumstances of the text, and the church with these statutes does not desire to interpret again Moses, who has heavy hands, to the church.

In the same way, they reject St. Paul, who calls the doctrine of the devil forbidding food, 1 Tim. 4, namely, how the Tatians, Marcionites and Manichaeans thought that food was unclean; as is evident from the following words, since St. Paul adds: "All God's creatures are good. The Church, however, does not reject food because it is evil and impure, but to make people more skilled in keeping the commandments of God, so that the arguments against it are defeated.

But if they praised the cross and bodily discipline, and fasting in such a way that the body would be tamed by it, we would well put up with their teaching in the play; but because they want to have all this freely, it is condemned and rejected as quite contrary to the faith and church discipline. And it does not help that they pretend to inequality of church constitutions; for although it is true that in some special ceremonies each country keeps its own way, nevertheless, what general church constitutions

are held the same everywhere, and the special ones in countries where they are common.

And is nothing that they admit of the Easter. For the Roman popes at last brought from Asia in a uniform way to celebrate the Easter with the general church. Irenaeus should also be understood in this way. For without any harm to the faith, several apostles' evenings are held in France without fasting, which are, however, fasted in Germany.

The princes and cities are also to be exhorted to follow the decree of Pope Gregory. This decree states that the ways of every country should be observed, as long as they are not contrary to the Catholic faith, C. Quoniam consuetudinem,

dist. 12. from which we know that inequality of ceremonies can be in unity of faith, and in every country the custom taught and accepted by the ancients should be kept, but without detriment to the general customs and ceremonies of the whole Catholic Church.

From the monastic vows.

Although much and various things are brought forward in this article by some inspiration, nevertheless, if one considers everything with mature counsel, it is found that the monastic vows are founded in the holy Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments, and that many holy people, who have performed miraculous signs and led a miraculously holy life, have lived in these orders with many thousands of times thousands, and that their rules have been accepted and approved by the Catholic Church for so many hundreds of years throughout the entire Christian world. Therefore, it is not to be tolerated at all that such vows are broken out of frivolity and courageous will, without all fear of God.

For in the Old Testament, God vowed vows to the Nazarites, Deut. 6, and vows to the Rechabites, who did not drink wine or eat grapes, Jer. 35.

God also earnestly requires that what is once vowed should be kept without rejection, Deut. 23. But whoever retracts the vows afterward will be doomed, Prov. 20. But the vows of the pious are pleasant, Prov. 15.

Furthermore, God also teaches through the prophet that the monastic vows in particular please Him, Isaiah 56: "Thus says the Lord to those who are cut off, who keep My Sabbaths, and choose what pleases Me, and make My covenant firm: I will give them a place in my house and within my walls, and a better name,

for the sons and daughters. An everlasting name I will give them, which shall not pass away." But to whom does God say this? To those whom Christ praises, who have cut themselves off for the sake of the kingdom of heaven, who deny their own will, take up the cross, and deny themselves, and take up their cross every day and follow Him, Luc. 9, that they no longer live according to their own will, but according to the rule and their Supreme will.

As St. Paul testifies, virgins who leave the world, despise lust, and vow and keep virginity in the monasteries do better than those who submit their necks to the yoke of marriage. For thus says St. Paul 1 Cor. 7: "He that marrieth his virgin doeth well, but he that marrieth her not doeth better." So it follows of a widow, "Blessed is she, if she abide thus according to my counsel."

None of the holy monks, Pauli Eremitä, Basilii, Antonii, Benedicti, Bernhardt, Dominici, Francisci, Wilhelmi, Augustini, Clara, Brigittä and the like, holiness is unknown, who have despised all of this world's kingdom, and all of its adornment, for the love of our Lord Jesus Christ. Also, the Lampertian heresy has recently been condemned, which the heretic Jovinianus in Rome again wanted to awaken.

Therefore, everything that is said in this article against the monastic life should be rejected, namely, that at the time of Augustine there were free collegia, that the vows were imposed on the monasteries afterwards; since the contradiction is true that the monasteries arose only after the vows.

Of the virgin monasteries, although they are a weak instrument, it is nevertheless enough in the day that the holy nuns have remained and persisted in their vows, once made, in many monasteries, even among these princes and cities, much more steadfastly than the monks have not done. Up to the present day, they have not been able to be led away from their sacred duties by any pleading, sweet words, afflictions, frights, anxieties and troubles.

Therefore, one should by no means give in to what is interpreted here as the worst of the worst. Because in God's word it is expressed that the monastic life, if it is kept with due obedience, which all monastics can keep by God's grace, deserves eternal life and much more. For Christ promised them this: "Whoever leaves house, or brother, or sister, or father, or mother, or wife, or children, or fields, for my name's sake?

He who takes it a hundredfold will inherit eternal life," Matt. 19.

That the monasteries have been schools before times, is not denied, and is nevertheless not unaware that they were first schools of godliness and Christian discipline, since later the studia of other arts come to it.

But because no one who puts his hand to the plow and looks back is sent to the kingdom of God, Luc. 9, according to the rule of the Holy Scriptures, even the secular and spiritual laws, all marriages and vow-breaking of monks and nuns who have broken the first faith and have their damnation should be considered ungodly and condemned, as Paul says 1 Tim. 5.

But that the vows are not against God's order has been explained in the other article of the abuses mentioned.

But that they want to protect themselves with the dispensation, no one moves. For whether the pope may have dispensed with the king of Arragonia, who nevertheless, as we read, since he had received an heir, returned to the monastery, or with another prince, this was done for the sake of peace, so that a whole kingdom or country would not be put into extreme distress and devastated with wars, murders, robberies, fornication, fires and deaths; nevertheless, such causes of dispensation cannot truly be put forward by private individuals who have become apostates from their orders and abandoned their vows.

It is also rejected that one pretends to vow in impossible things. For to abstain is not impossible, which so many thousands of men and virgins have held. For although the wise man says, "I know that I cannot abstain if God does not exist," yet Christ promised, "Ask," He says, "and you shall receive," Luke 11, Matt. 18; and St. Paul, "Who will not leave you to be tempted above your ability, but will give you strength in the time of your temptation, that you may be able to bear it," 1 Cor. 10.

They also keep their things very badly by confessing that breaking the vows is criminal. Which is to be explained that the marriages of the monastics are against all rights and should be broken, C. Continentiae 27, quaest. 1, as also many old imperial laws decree.

But that they put on for themselves the C. Nuptiarum, they do nothing with it. For the C. does not speak of bad, but of solemn vows, which also the church to this day

holds. Therefore, never the monks, nuns or priests marriages have been right.

It is also rejected that they pretend that monastic life is a human invention. For it is founded in the Holy Scriptures by the Holy Spirit and inspired by the godly fathers, and does not take anything away from Christ's glory. For the monastery people keep everything for the sake of Christ's honor, and that they follow Christ.

Therefore it is wrong that they condemn the service in the monasteries as godless, since it is the most Christian service. For the monastics have not fallen from the grace of God, like the Jews, of whom St. Paul says Gal. 5 that they still seek righteousness in the Law of Moses. But the monastics take care to 1) live closer to the Gospel, so that they may earn eternal life. Therefore, everything that is introduced here against the monastic life is ungodly.

But that it is quite spitefully reproached here that the monks want to be in the state of perfection, that is never heard from them. For the monks do not ascribe perfection to themselves, but are in the state in which they attain perfection. For their rules and practices are tools to attain perfection, not perfection itself. And in this way Gerson is to be understood, who does not deny that the monastic orders are states that attain perfection, as he explains it in the Tractat contra proprietarios, in the Rule of Saint Augustine, in the Tractat de consiliis evangelicis, in the Tractat de perfectione cordis and other places. Therefore, the princes and cities are to be exhorted to be peaceful in reforming the monasteries by their proper superiors and elders, but not to exterminate them completely, and the monks are rather to be godly admonished and improved than to be exterminated completely; as their godly forefathers, the Christian princes, have done.

But if they do not want to believe the godly and holy fathers of monastic vows, let them hear the high imperial majesty, namely the Emperor Justinianus in authentica de Monachis, shall. I.

From the church power.

Although there is much interweaving of ecclesiastical authority here, even much more ugly than would be necessary, it is nevertheless to be declared that the most reverend bishops and priests, and the entire clergy, are left free and unharmed in all their ecclesiastical authority, which is due to them by law or custom. That they may also exercise all

1) Here we have deleted "after".

may retain their liberties, privileges, sovereignties and prerogatives given to them by the godly Roman emperors and kings. And it is not to be suffered that what has been given to the ecclesiastics by imperial clemency should be weakened and diminished by some princes or others subject to the Roman Empire.

For it can be proved quite sufficiently that the power of the churches in spiritual matters is founded in divine law, of which St. Paul says: "Though I boast more of our power, which the Lord hath given us for edification, and not for your corruption," 2 Cor. 10. And it follows: "For this cause I write these things in absentia, lest at present I should act more harshly according to the power which the Lord hath given me for edification, and not for your corruption," 2 Cor. 10.

The same St. Paul also shows a constraint of judgment, saying, "What do you want? Shall I come to you with a rod, or in love and in the spirit of gentleness?" 1 Cor. 4. As he writes of judicial matters to Timothy, "Against an elder take no complaint except two or three witnesses," 1 Tim. 5.

From which it is evident enough that the bishops not only have power in the office of the divine word, but also have power to govern, to compel and to punish, to the end that they may guide the subjects to eternal blessedness.

But to the power of the government belong the power to judge, to conclude, and to order the things that are useful and useful to the aforementioned end. For this reason, everything that has been objected against the priests' and churches' immunity from the 'widertheil' is in vain and void.

Therefore, all subjects in the Roman Empire should be enjoined not to drag spiritual persons before secular courts against their privileges given by the Empire. For Clement the Pope and Martyr thus says: If priests have matters among themselves, they are not to be judged by secular judges, but what arises is to be decided by the elders of the churches. Therefore Constantinus Magnus, the Christian emperor, in the holy Nicene Concilio did not want to judge the bishops even in secular matters: You are gods, he said, and truly set before us by God. Go and settle the matter among yourselves, for it is not proper that we should judge the gods.

As far as the statutes of the church are concerned, the above has been answered sufficiently.

It will also not help them the Christian freedom they pretend because they are not a free-

It is not a matter of freedom, but of a cruel and abominable presumption, which, if it is imagined by the mob, arouses it to the most harmful and dangerous sedition. For Christian liberty is not contrary to the statutes of the church, because they serve the good, but is opposed to the servitude of the law of Moses and sins. For "he that committeth sin is the servant of sin," says Christ John 8. Therefore they that break fasts, eat meat freely, and forbear their horas canonicus, do not confess at Easter time, and do the like and forbear, do not use liberty, but abuse it, contrary to St. Paul's admonition. Paul's admonition, who had previously warned them diligently: "But you, dear brethren, were called to freedom; only see to it that through freedom you do not give place to the flesh, but through love serve one another," Gal. 5. Therefore no one should cover up any sin under a semblance of evangelical freedom. Which St. Peter also forbade: "As freemen, and not as having liberty to cover wickedness, but as the servants of God," 1 Peter 2.

But what they have objected to concerning the abuses, all princes and estates of the empire know without a doubt, that neither from the imperial majesty, nor from some princes, nor from a Christian man, even the slightest abuse is vowed, but all wish that the princes and estates of the empire, with common counsel and unanimous will, should endeavor, that the abuses be abolished and improved, and that what happens too much or too little in both estates be completely abolished, or reformed for the best, and that finally the spiritual estate, so variously weakened, and the Christian religion, which in many has grown cold and desolate, be restored to its former glory and honor. In this Imperial Maj. Maj., as everyone is aware, has had much work and care so far, and has graciously promised that she will not let her diligence and effort be lacking in this matter in the future.

Because now Imperial Majesty has heard from the Confession and the answer now read that they agree in many articles. Majesty has heard from the Confession and the answer now read that they, the Elector, Princes and Cities, agree in many articles with the Catholic and Roman Church, and do not agree with the ungodly doctrines which are otherwise publicly blown up and circulated in booklets throughout Germany, but reject and condemn the same: the Imperial Majesty is confident and hopeful that the Elector, Princes and Cities, now that they have heard this answer, will also agree with the Catholic and Roman Church in other matters. Majesty is confident and hopeful that the Elector, princes and cities, now that they have heard and accepted this answer, will also agree with the Roman Catholic Church in other matters in which they may have previously been at odds.

The Holy Roman Catholic Church and the Christian faith and religion, as they have hitherto been held in unison by common Christendom, will henceforth agree with one heart, and also in all other things will obediently conform to them, and will most humbly obey their Imperial Majesty. Maj. most humbly. Which will be particularly pleasing to Her Imperial Maj. Maj. will be especially pleased, and will recognize and reward with special graces against all of them in general and, as the occasion may arise, against each one in particular. For, since God would be in favor if this Christian and entirely gracious remembrance were not granted, they, the Elector, princes and cities, may consider that one of the imperial majesty's necessary causes is to be found. Majesty that, as befits a Roman and Christian Emperor, and a patron and advocate of the Catholic and Christian Church, they be given due cause, and their Imperial Majesty commanded office and conscience. Maj.'s commanded office and conscience, they must provide for and preside over these matters.

1015 Some pieces of the papist alleged refutation of the Augsburg Confession, as such have been caught under the reading.

This writing is found in the Wittenberg edition (1569), vol. IX, p. 421; in the Jena edition (1566), vol. V, p. 95 d; in the Altenburg edition, vol. V, p. 221; and in the Leipzig edition, vol. XX, p. 229.

Imperial Majesty. Majesty has heard the confessions of the princes and chieftains, together with those of two cities, in which she herself has personally seen, and after having held council with many nations 1) respectable and reasonable etc. has found this opinion, and has previously sent it to the princes and chieftains, on which her Imperial Majesty has based her opinion as follows. Majesty, as follows. The following answer may be given to the articles mentioned above.

The first article is right and permissible because it is founded in Scripture and confirmed by Concilia before Nicenum etc. And the princes condemn the heresies contrary to this article.

The II article is admitted, but separately attached explanation. For the sins of not fearing God, not believing Him etc., ^are not original sin, but 2) real sins, and is also previously condemned Luther's opinion that after baptism the sin remains.

The III Article is rightly founded from the Scriptures, and confirmed by the Church.

1) "of many nations" put by us instead of: "many nation", in the editions.

2) Added by us.

The IV. is right, where it is understood with a meager explanation. For it is true that all our works are nothing without God's grace; but the merit is not to be set aside, for where there is reward, there is also merit. Many sayings have been reported here that are based on merit, and this Pauli: "I have done a good work, so my reward is ready, which the Lord will give me on that day" (2 Tim. 4, 7.).

The v. is right, [what] is said about the merit [of Christ] 1). The princes here also condemn the Anabaptists, by whose seditious teachings so much turmoil has arisen as five years ago, and bloodshed has been caused.

The VI, in so far as it cancels the merit, is not right. So the saying: "If you have done everything, say that we are useless servants" (Luc. 17, l O.) is of no use, because if those are considered useless who have done everything, how much more are those considered useless who do not do it. 2) So this is the right understanding of the saying, that our works are useless, even though they are useful to us.

VII, that the church is the assembly of the faithful, etc., is condemned among other articles of the Church of Costnitz, and contrary to Scripture, where the church is compared to a threshing floor, in which the angels gather the good grain from the chaff, etc. (Matth. 3, 12. Luc. 3, 17.), and the net (Matth. 13, 47.), and the ten virgins (Matth. 25, 1. ff.).

The VIII is right, previously, because it also condemns the Donatists. Nota: In the articles or points that are accepted as right, there is always a special and long probation and explanation attached, so that the unbelievers would not be believed.

The IX is right.

X is correct, but it teaches how the essence of bread and wine ceases to exist and is transformed into the true body and blood of Christ. Thus the rulers know or should know that under every form of the holy sacrament is the true body and blood of Christ; if not, the body would be without blood, and thus dead, contrary to the saying of Paul: "Death shall not henceforth have dominion over him" (Rom. 6, 9.).

The XI is right in stating that, according to the chapter Omnis utriusque sexus, the

1) Added by us.

2) This is incomplete and therefore misleading. Before: "who refrain from it" it should read: "who alone believe and do it". The following is also not in accordance with the Confutation, but should (as can be seen in No. 1029, §11) read: "Say: useless servants of the dear God, not ourselves". Compare also No. 1029, s 16.

Subjects are held to confession and reception of the sacrament and admonished, so that they, as much as possible, tell all sin. But if after such diligence they still forget something, they believe that they are absolved from it.

XII did not divide repentance correctly into two parts, and Pope Leo also condemned Luther's article, which was based on this: 3) faith precedes repentance, because he who does not believe cannot do true repentance. Thus, in the Synod of Nicena, the form and measure of true repentance are given by canones poenitentiales. Here they have cited much loca of Scripture, and before that from the Psalms; the princes are also to be praised for rejecting the invading heresies, as Novatianorum etc.

The XIIIth is right, as long as it is taught that there are seven sacraments and the subjects are required to confess them.

The XIVth is right, but that understood, that the appointment is done by public spiritual authority, and not by mob or violent intrusion. Where such preachers are found, they should be abolished.

The XV is to be praised; but by rejecting the laws of the Church, not right, nor to be admitted.

The XVI is quite good.

The XVII is right.

The XVIII is right; for yes, to confess that we may not please God by our own powers, and yet nevertheless have a free will. And this is only further drawn with many words, and proved with sayings, as, Ecclesiasticus]: Ignem et aquam (Sir. 15, 16.). Item, Hos. 13, 9.: "Israel, out of you your destruction, but out of me your salvation"; item, that the Manichaei completely abolish free will. And this would be the right way between Pelagians and Manichaeans, so that neither too much nor too little would be added to free will.

The XIX is right. 4)

The XXth is right, as long as one understands the faith that works through love. Here, many words are made, and, where the main part lies, they are left with digressions.

The XXI is not right. For although Christ is the mediator, he is not alone, and the saints are to be called. Here they have led many examples, as 2 Macc. 15, 12-14., 5) that Onias and Jeremias prayed for Israel etc. Item,

3) Here we have deleted "And".

4) This is missing in the editions and has been added by us. Walch has erroneously entered XIX and XX in the following two articles.

5) Incorrect in the editions: "as Macha. 1".

that the angels pray for us. Item, as Cyprianus Cornelio wrote, that whoever dies among them rather prays for the other, which, of course, the holy bishop would not have done, where he considered the intercession of the saints to be void or unjust. Item, there is mentioned how Job prayed for his friends and God spared them (Job 42,8. f.), and thus subsequently a great deal was introduced about the living intercession of the saints. Item, of the holy honor much spoken, as if someone did not teach the same to honor. Christ is the head, and the saints the members; therefore, because the head prays for us, the members also pray.

Of both forms it is said how unreasonable it would be for the princes to consider it an abuse that the sacrament should be administered to the laity under one form alone, and it would rather be an abuse for the laity to be given both forms. Here it is to be proved that in the first church it was also held in this way, and from the Actis Apostolorum: "They continue in the breaking of the bread"; and how Christ broke the bread for the disciples at Emmaus, which was all understood according to the interpretation of the teachers of the body of Christ. Also here has been told a history of Heli (1 Sam. 2), in which it is written how his descendants, cast out of the priesthood, would desire a portion and morsel of bread, which is supposed to mean the one figure to be given to the laity.

Nor does it help that one reads: Bibite ex hoc omnes, for this was said to the apostles who were priests. There is also a difference between the priests and the laity in spiritual rights, which proves that they have always been different, and that they alone have received the sacrament in one form. Thus, popes, cardinals, bishops and priests take the sacrament, which Nicena calls synodus viaticum, in times of their illness, just like the laity. Therefore, they do not have to complain at all that they are deprived of the One Form, since the whole Christ has come among everyone.

There have been told many mischiefs which might befall the Holy Sacrament if the Blood of the Lord were administered to the laity, and so to a great multitude; namely, that it might be spilled, and that one would not know in what kind of vessel to keep it; from this the custom of administering to the laity in both forms had quietly ceased in the Roman Church, although with the Corinthians and with those at Carthage both forms might have been retained. And this custom of the one form etc. the Concilium at Costnitz and Basel have

in the presence of many bishops, etc. also of the emperor, princes and lords. Thus the Procession of the Corpus Christi was also unreasonably stopped, by which the Holy Sacrament was greatly honored, and before that, because the same in every form is whole and unholy.

Of the Mass. In this article, what is in accordance with the usage of the Roman Church is accepted, and what is contrary to it is rejected. It is not to be tolerated that special (private or corner) masses be dismissed. For this would devastate the foundation, diminish the service, and deprive souls of their consolation. Item, the mass should not be held in German, because the priest is a common person of the Roman church; so there are also all ways, which speak for the bunch: Amen.

Item, the Latin mass causes more and greater devotion. Item, the mass is held in Hebrew language until the time of Adrian. If an abuse should occur, the princes are to believe completely that this is not dear to anyone, and that the abuse will be stopped. But this is no abuse at all, that he who serves the altar also lives from the altar, according to the Scriptures. It would also not be a purchase of the mass, they have on endowment supply etc. Item, the mass is a sacrifice; for so it is held more than a thousand years ago; so Hebrew and Greek Missa is called an altar;1 ) Dog Christ saith, Hoc facite. But in the Hebrew, Greek, Latin language facere means to offer.

Of spiritual vows. Spiritual vows are founded in the Old and New Testaments. Item, the vows have been before the monasteries. It has never been heard that the clergy are taught to be in the state of perfection, but that the clerical state is an instrument of perfection. The king of Arragon answered that he was dispensed with so that others would avoid much misfortune and bloodshed. This is not the opinion of some bad people. He went back to the monastery after the birth of his son. It is not impossible to keep the vows, especially by praying and fasting, and to accomplish everything well, and before that by fleeing the cause, and by smashing the little children, that is the first thoughts, against the rock, that is, Christ. It is also written, "Ask, and it shall be given you." Let it also be known that so many thousands of persons,

1) The following is not correct. Compare Col. 1052.

Man and woman have kept their monastic vows rightly, and have thereby become blessed; so it has also not taken place with weakness of the women etc.

For many virgins have been found more steadfast in their monastic vows, above all that is repugnant to them at this time, than some monastic men.

Of clerical marriage. It has always been called alleged clerical matrimony, and it is wonderful to hear that Her 1) Imperial Majesty desires such a thing, when it has never been in use since the times of the apostles. Item, the priests, because they are to act and pray the sacrament constantly, are also to be constantly pure. Here it is reported how in the Old Testament the priests had to abstain for three days before the service (Ex. 19, 10. 22.), and from Zachariah (Luc. 1, 5. 8. 9.). Item, this is not a commandment: "Grow and multiply" (Gen. 1, 22.), which constantly binds, but was only valid at that time, when there were still few people, and no longer now, when one pressed the other because of the crowd. Otherwise many saints 2) and virgins would have done wrong by remaining outside marriage. Item, the saying, unusquisque habeat uxorem suam; item, melius est nubere, quam uri (1 Cor. 7, 2. 8.), they interpreted according to their opinion, not according to the teachers, before Hieronymo. Item, Episcopus sit unius uxoris vir (1 Tim. 3, 2.), is not to be understood that a bishop must have a wife, otherwise Martinus, Nicolaus, Titus, and Christ himself would not have been a bishop; but it is said that he should not have had more than one wife, as is to be clearly noted subsequently of the widow who is to be taken in. Item, the marriage is vowed with them and honored, also held for a sacrament, but not theirs, which surrender and chastity vows to take to the supposed marriage state. Here is much indicated from the spiritual rights.

From the ecclesiastical power is reported, this article would be put quite ugly etc. Item, the clergy have power to rule. For Paul says: "Having been given authority to build, and not to tear down" etc. If they have authority to govern, they also have authority to punish, and to make laws, forbidding all eating of meat on certain days, which one is obliged to keep, and transgressing the same is not called Christian liberty, but rather a will to courage, thereby giving cause for rebellion. It is told, among other things, how, through Daniel, the

1) "their" put by us instead of "E.".

2) In the old edition: "pagans" instead of: "saints".

prophesies that in the time of Antichrist the constant sacrifice should cease; that would be the mass and worship, because one sees how some devastate the churches, tear the altars, smash the images, sing or read nothing, burn no candles, call the holy sacrament a baked bread. And all these must be prevented, lest there be cause for the fulfillment of the prophecy.

Decision: Because [Imperial Majesty] now hear that the Prince and Princes compare themselves with the Christian Church in some matters, and also condemn many erroneous doctrines that have gone out in print before, and because some of their submitted articles are quite repugnant to the Christian Church, and would by no means be permitted: Her Imperial Majesty hopes that they will compare themselves on such erroneous points. Majesty hope that they will settle on such erroneous points. This the Imperial Majesty will graciously recognize. Majesty will graciously recognize it, will not forget it in good, and will be your gracious Emperor. But where not, that Imperial Maj. Majesty did not hope, Her Electoral and Princely Grace would have to consider that the Emperor's will be done. and princes to consider that Emperor Majesty, as a bailiff. Majesty, as a bailiff and supreme protector of the Holy Christian Church, would do well to show himself in this, as a Christian emperor is officially responsible to do.

1016 Contents of the Confutation as printed by Cochläus immediately after the Diet.

This work was printed in 1531 by Wolfgang Stöcke! in Dresden under the following title. Cyprian included it in the Supplements to the Hist. of the Augsburg Conf. Conf., p. 196.

Summarium of the imperial response to the five princes' and six cities' confession to Augsburg at the next Imperial Diet.

The first article: of the Holy Trinity, is entirely admitted in all points.

The other: of original sin, is admitted in part, namely in that original sin is truly sin etc., in part not, namely in that they say that original sin is without God's fear and trust in God, and that it is the lust that remains in children after baptism.

The third: of two natures in Christ, that he is true God and man, is admitted in all things.

The fourth: of the merit of good works, is admitted in that we may earn nothing by our own efforts. And for this reason the Pelagians are damned heretics. But is rejected

in that they do not confess with us the merit of good works done by divine grace.

The fifth: from the Word and Sacraments, is admitted, that through them, as through an instrument, the Holy Spirit is given. But that they say of faith alone, of which love and hope are silent, is rejected.

The sixth: of good works, is admitted in that faith should bring good works, and rejected in that they say that faith alone makes righteous, in which they wrongly understand the words of Christ Luc. 17, Pauli and Ambrosii ad Rom. 3. 4. etc.

The seventh: of the church, is rejected, where they want to understand that the church is only of the holy assembly, because in the church good and evil are gathered together. But it is admitted in that the church abides forever.

The eighth: of servants of the church, that even the wicked may preach and administer sacraments, is permitted in all pieces.

The ninth: of baptism, is also wholly admitted, that infants should be baptized, and that Anabaptists should not be admitted.

The tenth: of the reverend Sacrament of the Altar, is also permitted, but with this appendix, that one should firmly believe the whole of Christ under every form of the Sacrament, and that the substance of the bread is truly transformed into the Body of Christ.

The eleventh: confession, is also permitted with the requirement of two things. First, that one confesses at Easter time, according to Cap. Omnis utriusque sexus. Secondly, that one remembers beforehand to confess all the sins of which one's conscience knows oneself guilty, and not to conceal any of them with one's own will.

The twelfth: of repentance, is allowed in that the sinner may be forgiven of sin whenever he converts, as often as he sins. But is rejected, first, in that they do not put more than two parts of repentance. Secondly, in that they say that faith is one part of repentance. Thirdly, that they do not confess repentance, the third part of repentance.

The thirteenth: of the use of the sacraments, is entirely admitted, namely, that the sacraments are not only signs among men, but also testimonies of the divine will toward us.

The fourteenth: of the spiritual state, is permitted that no one shall preach, or administer sacraments, unless he be duly appointed, with this

Addendum that such appointment shall be made according to the old order of Christian churches, not whom the secular authorities or the mob elects, but whom the bishop, or whoever else by right or custom has to do it, appoints or appoints.

The fifteenth: of customs of the churches, is also permitted in that one should keep them, provided they may be kept without sin. But is rejected in that they say such customs should be contrary to the Gospel, if they are done to propitiate God, or for sin.

The sixteenth: of secular authority, is entirely admitted, with condemnation of the Anabaptists, who do not want to suffer any authority among Christians.

The seventeenth: of the last judgment, is also completely admitted, with rejection of the Anabaptists and others, who want to grant redemption and bliss to the devils and the damned at last.

The eighteenth: of free will, is also admitted, namely, that we have a free will in human things; but in divine things we may accomplish nothing without the grace of God.

The nineteenth: of cause of sin, is also admitted, namely, that not God, but man's will is the cause of sin.

The twentieth, on faith and good works, is rejected. For they will not confess that by good works one may obtain remission of sins.

The twenty-first: of honor and invocation of the saints, is also rejected because they confess the error of the Vigilantii, the Waldenses, Picards etc. and do not want to invoke the saints, in which they act against the Scriptures of both Testaments and against all teachers etc.

End of articles.

The other part of the princely confession of abuses.

In this part, no piece is permitted, because they are called abuses, which is not abuse.

About both forms of the sacrament

Scripture and ancient sacred teachers indicate that under one form, namely bread, it has always been the custom in the Christian Church to receive this sacrament outside of the Mass, and that it is rather an abuse to administer both forms to the laity, contrary to the Church's order and without God's command.

From the priests and monks marriage

It is also proved here from the Scriptures, from ancient teachers and many concilia, that not priestly purity, but rather lewd marriage of monks and priests is an unpleasant abuse, because probably eleven hundred years ago such was condemned in the heresy of Joviniani, and all their arguments are justified and resolved with good reason of the Scriptures.

From the fair

First of all, they are condemned for keeping the German mass against the custom of the common churches. Secondly, that they consider it an abuse that he who serves the altar has to live from the altar, because Scripture allows such a thing Luc. 10 and 1 Cor. 9 etc. Thirdly, that they have sacrificed much of the instituted mass against God's honor and the founder's last will for a sacrilege. Fourth, that they deny the sacrifice of the Mass, which is an ancient heresy (as St. Augustine indicates), Arianorum, and Sacrificium Missae proven in many writings, as well as in the most ancient teachers and conciliarities, for which reason the Mass should by no means be denied.

From confession

First, it is considered an abuse that so few people in Luther's sect confess. Second, that they are silent about repentance and atonement for sin. Third, that they wrongly understand and interpret Chrysostom's words about oral confession. Fourthly, that they do not confess all secret sins that they are aware of, which is an old heresy of Montanorum, who were ashamed to confess all sins.

From the difference of the food

They are rejected firstly because they despise the statutes and authority of the church against Christ, Luc. 10, and Paul, 1 Thess. 2 etc. Secondly, that they consider such statutes useless. Third, that they say it is against faith, against the gospel, against the commandments of God. Fourth, that they consider it impossible. Fifth, that they wrongly understand Christ and Paul from such statutes. Sixth, that they want to have all these things freely and unbidden.

From monastic vows

It is rejected, first, that they want to take such vows, against so many writings of both testaments. Secondly, that they consider the monastic life unseemly, contrary to so many thousands of holy

People who have lived and been saved in it from the beginning of Christianity until now. Third, that they would have such vows free, contrary to the Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments. Fourth, that they say such vows are impossible, contrary to so much Scripture and the promise of Christ. Fifth, that they say that monks and nuns should not be separated in marriage. Sixth, that they say such a life is contrary to the gospel, when it is evident that it is according to the gospel, and for Christ's sake leaves father and mother, house and farm, according to his counsel, Matt. 19, Luc. 9 and 14 etc.

From the church power

They reject, first, that they want to deny the ecclesiastics jurisdiction, authority, liberties and privileges that have come to them from emperors and kings. Secondly, that they do not allow the clergy to exercise authority against their writings and suppress their jurisdiction. Third, that they despise the freedom of the consecrated against the Scriptures and imperial laws. Fourth, that they want to subject the clergy to the secular courts, which is also against the Scriptures and imperial laws. Fifthly, that they accuse a wanton liberty against the commandment of the church, as if one were not obligated to keep it. Sixth, that they want to throw away even good order for the sake of the abuses of the clergy. Finally, Imperial Majesty wishes that they again come to Christian unity, and help to bring all abuses into proper order. Amen.

1017 Melanchthon's letter to Camerarius from the Confutation, before it had been handed over.

This letter is found in Melanchthon's epist. ack Camerar., p. 139 and in Cyprian's Beilagen zur Hist. der Augsb. Conf., p. 192. Also in the 6orp. Kek., vol. II, 229, datirt den 26. Juli 1530.

Translated into German.

The adversaries have not yet answered, but I hear that their confutation is ready and will appear within two or three days. It is said that the emperor will give orders that everything should be set in the previous state until the disputes are examined in a concilio. That is what the council is to decide. And if this pronouncement is not mitigated, you can easily er-

9 Now I have had a letter from Strasbourg that the French and Lorraine are in great armor, and the king has commanded in Alsace that the French should be accepted and allowed to live on their pennies until further notice. There is talk that the king wants to use them against the Swiss and the cities.

(10) It is certain that Eck and Faber are very adamant that we should do it by force and not give in, and the Hispanics are not pleased that our people are thus advising war, nor have they foreseen that so many princes should oppose us.

The great chancellor Mercurinus talked to the king in Bononia about the Concilii, and when the king said that the pope did not want it, the great chancellor answered again and admonished the king not to let it go, and to remember that he was the lord.

The first part of the book, "The Confession of the Church," is the first part of the book, "The Confession of the Church," and "The Confession of the Church.

In Cyprian's Supplements to the Hist. of the Augsb. Conf., p. 194, from Melanchthon's autograph. Also in Oorp. Rsk., vol. II, 219. There Bretschneider remarks that it is not a "Bedenken" (as Walch calls it), but a leaf belonging to a letter, in which Melanchthon communicates news.

1. the confutation will be read to us, not in the name of the theologians, but of the emperor.

(2) And for this reason it is alleviated by the emperor's people.

3. it also looks to me as if the reading will be followed by the question whether we may suffer HM the judge?

4 However, it was said that the Holy See would offer to change abuses, provided that the church statutes remain in force.

It is advised that we stop for the sake of the concilii.

6 The pope has strongly urged the emperor not to take any action, but to lead his army straight into Germany and suppress the cause by force.

7 And may the Pontiffs not hear talk of the Concilio.

The Hispanics have advised that both figures should be allowed to those who request them, but the legate does not want them.

1019: Imperial speech delivered by Count Palatine Frederick to the protesting Estates before the reading of the Confutation on August 3, 1530.

From an unnamed nnalor npoloZins raunu86riptu6 recorded in Müller's Historie von der evang. Stände Protestation, lib. Ill, eup. 24, p. 698.

Let it be remembered that the five princes, the 1) Elector, the four princes and related cities have presented their opinion and confession, as they called it, to Imperial Majesty and requested that it be read publicly. Majesty, and requested to hear it read in public, which was done; whereupon Her Majesty graciously requested to consider the same Confession further on Her Majesty's occasion. Now that Her Majesty has had a counter-answer drafted by scholars of many nations and experienced men, which also pleases Her Majesty, the same should now be publicly read; with the request that the reported Electors, Princes, and cities with the Pope and Her Majesty, as well as other Christian kings, potentates, Electors, Princes, and Estates, may compare themselves in a Christian manner, so that in the event of the contrary, Her Majesty would not be forced to use Her Majesty's Imperial Office. Office.

1) So put by us instead of: "die fünf Churfürsten, Fürsten" etc.

2) In our original: "Churfürsten und"; in the original probably: "Chur-, Fürsten und".

1020: Notification of Count Palatine Frederick by Imperial Majesty after the reading of the Confutation to the Elector of Saxony and his supporters.

This writing, in addition to the locations given in the previous number, is found inCölestinus,toru. Ill, x. 17 and in Chyträus, p. 213 according to the Latin, and p. 312 according to the German edition.

Because the Imperial. Majesty has so considered the Scripture read to him, and has found it to be Christian and so presented that it cannot be refuted or rejected: Her Majesty's gracious and also very serious request is that the Elector of Saxony and other princes and cities of this part, together with their prelates, should adhere to the same document equally and unanimously, as the Imperial Majesty would certainly want to do, and would be anxious to rely on it.

1021 The protesting Estates, after the reading of the Confutation, made a presentation by Chancellor Brück, in which they request a copy of it.

This, as well as the next following writing, can be found in Cölestin, Chyträus and Müller at the places indicated at the previous number.

Their Electoral and Princely Grace Together with the cities related to this matter, they have listened to the document read out, and as much as their electors and princes have heard. They have noted, however, that some of the articles of confession they had previously read out and presented were subject to displacement by the sayings of the Scriptures and the fathers, and by the statutes of the rights and councils of those who had compiled such writings. In order that their sovereign and princely sovereigns may decide on such a most important matter, concerning the salvation and harm of souls, and that they, together with their subjects and relatives, may satisfy their consciences on it, their sovereign and princely sovereigns, as well as the cities, would like to have this article published. If they, together with their subjects and relatives, should satisfy their consciences on this, then the unavoidable necessity of their sovereigns and princes, as well as of the cities, would require that they receive such a document, or a copy thereof, and to examine it with the best diligence, and to consider whether their previously submitted articles would be thoroughly transposed with the indicated reasons of the Holy Scriptures, and also how and in what manner the sayings of the fathers, together with the allegories of the conciliation, would be introduced against it. For it would be known that a special rule would have to be observed by those who are to be given to Her Imperial Majesty. Maj.

It is not to be believed that the rights described in the letter of the law and her Majesty's laws are to be interpreted, because as far as the rights that are attracted by them confirm and prove their pretence. On the contrary, the Elector of Saxony and his electorate wanted to have their rights confirmed and proven. Gn. Rather, it would be necessary for the Elector of Saxony, and his kinsmen, to get hold of the scripture in question, and to actually and diligently consider how the scripture, along with the fathers' sayings and conciliarities, as referred to in such scripture, would be conducted. For this purpose, Her Majesty's decree for this Imperial Diet clearly states that every opinion and view should be heard, and that it should be discussed and considered in love and kindness what has not been rightly interpreted on either side; which discussion in love and kindness, and consideration of what has not been rightly interpreted on either side, requires that one part of the other part's reasons and opinion should not be restrained, but revealed and delivered, so that it may be determined what has not been rightly interpreted on either side. Thus, those to whom the Imperial Majesty of the Elector Majesty of the Elector of Saxony and his co-relatives, would not have been able to take up the matter in dignity, where such a confession, after having been read out to the Imperial Majesty, would not have been possible. Majesty. Majesty's request. In addition, Imperial Majesty Majesty, together with the attending Electors, the Royal Dignity of Hungary and Bohemia, as well as the Princes and Estates of the Empire, would know that this would not be refused in much lesser legal matters, but that Copia producti cum competenti termino would be decided and recognized. For this reason, the Elector, the Princes and cities of this part would most humbly request that Imperial Maj. Maj. would graciously, for the sake of all these and similar important circumstances and opportunities of trade, let the read consulation document, or a copy of it, come to their hands, so that their Electors and Fathers and the cities would overlook and move it, and let their need be heard again in a Christian manner against their Maj.

1022 The Emperor's answer, issued by Count Palatine Frederick the Estates, to the request and plea that they be sent a copy of the confutation read.

See the previous number. Also in Förstemann's Urkundenbuch, Vol. II, p. 179, from the Ansbachschen Acten zu Nürnberg, No. 18, likewise in Brück's Geschichte des Reichstags zu Augsburg, p. 72. The Palgrave read this answer from a note.

Roman Imperial Maj. Maj. our most gracious Lord, at the request of the Elector of Saxony and the other princes and two cities to hand over to them the read imperial document, as such has been presented orally and further on their behalf, have decided, namely: so that it may be felt by men that Imperial Maj. Maj.'s gracious mind and opinion are not otherwise than to graciously and duly comply with the writ, Her Imperial Majesty wished to have the writ delivered to them. Her Majesty wished to have the document sent to them, but in such a way that Her Majesty did not wish to enter into any further correspondence with them by handing over this document. For the matter has now been sufficiently introduced in all parts according to the letter. And is the Imperial Maj. Maj.'s gracious request that they consult with their Imperial Maj. Maj. and the same Princes, Princes and Estates, as the resolution of the above-mentioned document contains and is capable of doing.

Imperial Maj. Maj. is also of the opinion that, in view of their relationship to Her Majesty, they will not allow the reported or any other of their writings to be printed, nor will they allow them to come out of their hands or give them to Her Majesty; Her Majesty wishes to provide them with this entirely. This is what Her Imperial Maj. Maj. does not wish to restrain them at their request and plea of gracious opinion.

1023 Spalatin's news of the above circumstances.

This document is found in the collective editions: in the Wittenberg i 1569). Vol. IX, p. 423; in the Jenaer (1566), Vol. V, p. 98; in the Altenburger, Vol. V, p. 224 and in the Leipziger, Vol. XX, p. 232. Where Walch got knowledge that it was Spalatin's message is unknown to us.

Thereupon D. Brück, on behalf of the Elector and Princes of related cities, requested that the document be sent to their electors and favors, as their great need required that they 1) see it.

Thereupon, on account of Imperial. Majesty. Duke Frederick of Bavaria, after having held council, answered: because it was now late and the matters were important, His Imperial Majesty wanted to consider them and to know the answer in time. Maj. wished to consider the matter and, in due course, to provide her beloved with an answer. Quinta Augusti we received an answer from Imperial Maj. Maj. that the princes and princes together with theirs should be bound by their oaths.

1) So put by us. In the editions: "required, have become "ic.

to undertake against Imperial Maj. Maj. that they would not give their confutation to anyone nor have it copied, nor would they answer it, in which case they would be given a copy of the said confutation. Upon this, our people argued that Imperial Maj. Maj. would graciously remember the letter, how unseemly it would be for His Majesty to say that no one would give it to them, nor have it copied. Maj. would be unseemly to say that they were thus treated unkindly.

Soon after this, Archbishop of Mainz, Joachim Margrave, Elector, Duke Henry of Brunswick and others stood up and asked Imperial Maj. Maj. asked that Her Majesty graciously permit them to take action with the protesting churons and princes. Maj. has granted permission; likewise also ours.

1024 Melanchthon's Letter to Luther on the Confutation Read. August 6, 1530.

This letter is found in Melanchthon's epict, lib. I, r>. 16; in Cölestin, tom. Ill, p. 25; in Chyträus according to the Latin edition, p. 215 and according to the German, p. 317; in Cyprian in the Beilagen zur Historie der Augsb. Conf., p. 195 and in the Oorp. Uet., vol. II, 253.

1 The letter carriers come much more sparingly than we would like, especially at the time when our cause is being fiercely attacked. We finally heard the papists' confutation on the third of August, along with the emperor's declaration, which was quite harsh. For before the confutation was read, the Emperor said that he wanted to stick to the opinion he had written down, and that he wanted our princes to agree with him. If not, he, as a patron of the church, would no longer tolerate such division in Germany.

This was the summa of the speech. Although this was very harsh, nevertheless, since the confutation was very childish, our people became quite cheerful after reading it. For this confutation is the most outstanding of all of Faber's childish and ludicrous books. Of both, he drew on the story of the sons of Eli asking for a morsel of bread from the priest, and proved from it that the laity alone should receive the form of bread. They defended the mass with particularly cold and lame antics. When Joachim 2) returned after the reading of the Confutation (for I was not present), he said that it was a great mistake for me to have been so much concerned about the various disputations of human traditions.

2) Camerarius.

tions. For such thoughts would never enter their minds.

3 The Bavarians have requested a copy of the Confutation, but the Imperial Majesty has taken it into consideration. Maj. took it into consideration, and the following day again admonished our princes to unite and compare themselves with their Imperial Maj. Maj. by means of the Confutation. Let also their Imperial Maj. Maj. should have the document sent to them, but in such a way that it would not be printed or copied. There was a long dispute about this, until finally the Archbishop of Mainz and his brother, the Elector of Brandenburg, and the Duke of Brunswick decreed to our princes and requested that they not press further, so that Imperial Majesty would not be moved more violently. Maj. would not be moved more violently. They wanted to think of convenient ways and means by which the whole matter could be amicably settled and reconciled. So we have not yet been able to see the same confutation, and today we are waiting to see what means those princes will propose. There you have all our news.

(4) All good-hearted and understanding people are now much more courageous and joyful after they have heard the confutation so childishly made. Our princes could more easily obtain peace if they diligently asked the Emperor himself and some more understanding princes for it and requested it; but they are quite negligent in this, and, as I regret, secretly indignant that they do not do so. The whole matter is in God's will, and is not governed by human diligence. Meanwhile, I am impatient with our carelessness; sometimes I think that God is depriving us of this human help, so that we do not trust in ourselves. Therefore, you will pray diligently that God will preserve and keep us and give us peace. The Landgrave is keeping himself quite well and moderate; he has expressly told me: for the sake of peace, he also wants to accept very burdensome conditions, as long as they can be tolerated without disgrace and harm to the Gospel. Hereby commanded by God. August 6, 1530.

1025 Melanchthon's Letter to Luther. August 8, 1530.

In Cölestin and Chyträus at the places indicated in the previous number and in 6orp. Uek, vol. II, 259.

After the Emperor had earnestly and steadily urged that ours should settle with the confutation made by Faber, and ours, on the other hand, had vehemently urged that we be given the

Confutation, and it was not possible to come to an agreement about this, several princes have admonished our people to refrain from this diligent persistence and request, and they have promised that they will think of an acceptable peace and unity by means and ways. This I indicated in the next letter. But behold, soon the next day the landgrave secretly departs, even though he has left orders behind him. The Emperor, as soon as he hears of this, requests of our people that they not leave, especially because their Imperial Majesty has allowed the Prince to leave. Majesty had permitted the princes to deal amicably with our people. This demand of the Emperor seemed reasonable. -To this, the Bavarians replied that they would not leave without their Imperial Majesty's knowledge. Majesty's prior knowledge. What the Landgrave's concerns and intentions were, I cannot say with certainty. But methinks that the inequity of the actions that had occurred had moved him to the point where he no longer had any hope of obtaining peace. But to say what I think, the pretense of moderation in such dealings was suspicious to me.

Now the princes, who have taken up the negotiation, have not yet given anything that would particularly serve peace. The entrance has been from the Imperial Majesty's gracious and paternal will. Maj.'s gracious and paternal will, and that Her Majesty desires that they settle with Her Majesty and other princes and chieftains, and prevent damage and harm to themselves and to the common German nation that might result from their obstinacy and division. The Elector of Brandenburg has done this extensively in order to deter our people from their doctrine. We do not yet know whether they will propose other painful means. The ghost of the Speier monks, of which Eisleben writes, undoubtedly means a terrible noise. God be with us always. Aug. 8, 1530.

1026 Melanchthon's letter to Luther (?). Aug. 6, 1530.

This letter is found in Cölestin, tom. Ill, p. 28 and in 6orp. Burkhardt, p. 183, remarks on it that he hardly believes it to be to Luther because of the letter preceding it here, since Melanchthon would have written to Luther at any rate in greater detail. We have given the time determination according to Burkhardt.

Translated from Latin.

We have finally heard the refutation of our confession; only merely heard, for we cannot obtain that it will give us

into their hands. However, according to my understanding, it is done with the good consideration of the intelligent, who well recognize that it is not written accurately, and that it would be highly detrimental to the reputation of Imperial Majesty, who was able to present it to us in her name, if it were to come to light. Majesty, who would be able to present it to us in her name, if it were to come to light. The false and perverse theologians wanted to protect themselves with this lion's skin so that they would make themselves even more fearsome to us. Methinks, however, that all honest men, after having heard such refutations, would have fallen even more in with our party, and that the opponents, who possess understanding, would have felt great displeasure that such ravings were forced upon Imperial Majesty. Majesty.

Now we await what they will do with us. The emperor makes his opinion clear; but well-meaning princes still have suggestions for peace. May the Lord Christ grant us the same. In the month of August 1530.

1027 Luther's letter to Melanchthon. Aug. 15, 1530.

This letter is found in Buddeus, p. 183, after the Jena manuscript; in Cölestin, toni. Ill, x>. 28 d; in the Latin collection of letters of Flacius and in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 133. German in the Wittenberg edition, <1569), vol. IX, p.432; in the Jena (1566), vol.V, p. 120 d; in the Altenburg, vol.V, p. 248 and in the Leipzig, vol. XX, p. 191. We have translated according to De Wette.

Newly translated from the Latin.

To his exceedingly dear brother in the Lord, N. Philipp Melanchthon, confessor of Christ at Augsburg.

Grace and peace in Christ, who is a Lord even over his enemies! We have received all your letters, and I praise God who has made the refutation of the adversaries so feeble. - But "fresh through!" I had heard it before, but did not want to believe it. But after I had read Eisleben's letter first of all, which at the same time deals with riots and devils 1), I was very frightened, because I feared that terrible horrible things would happen. However, at that very hour I was quite moved by other things. But Chri

stus lives and rules. After all, the devils (if they want so) may become monks or also nuns. No form is more suitable for them than the one under which they have sold themselves to the world for worship. I have interpreted this entirely to mean that there is some unrest in Augsburg, for the winds and the downpours raged here in such a way that I was almost frightened by the roar, and the serene weather has not yet returned. I begin to long for you, and wish that the Lord may bring you home shortly, amen. "It may well" this delay and the unfair treatment 2) "make another landgrave tired."

I hope that Caspar Müller has arrived and has delivered our letters. Have I not also predicted that you will torture yourself in vain over the statutes, because this matter is too much beyond the comprehension of the sophists? There has been an eternal dispute about the laws, even among the greatest men, and it is something completely apostolic to judge about them purely and certainly. For there is no writer (author) except the one Paul, who has written completely and perfectly about this matter, because it is the death of all reason to judge about the law; only the spirit is the judge here. Therefore, what could the sophists, who are also deprived of reason, do here? "Well, we have done him enough." Now is the time for the Lord alone to do it, who rule and keep you, amen.

I have finally also put down Ezekiel out of weariness, not only because of the illness of the head, and meanwhile I am translating the minor prophets and will finish them within a week, God willing; for there are only Haggai and Malachi left. I am occupied with these more for the sake of comfort than for work. Greet all of ours respectfully. Farewell. From the desert, August 15, 1530.

Martin Luther.

2) Instead of inälAnutio [indignation] we have assumed iucliAultus with Cölestin, Buddeus and Aurifaber.

1) Namely of a spook that monks in disguise had crossed the Rhine at Speier. Cf. No. 1058 in this volume.

1028 Luther's letter to his wife to tell Pomeranus and others what he had heard about the reading and refusal of the copy of the Confutation. August 14, 1530.

This letter is found in the Leipzig edition, vol. XXII, p. 557; in the Erlangen, vol. 54, p. 186 and in De Wette, vol. I V, p. 131.

G. From the Apology of the Augsburg Confession.