Of the actions of King Francis I in France with the Schmalkaldic Covenanters.
1282 Letter of King Francis I of France to the Princes and Estates of the Empire concerning the Concilio and several other articles. Feb. 1, 1535.
This letter is found in Latin in Freher, script. rer. Zerrn., torrr. Ill, p. 295 and in German in Hortleder, Von den Ursachen des deutschen Krieges, torn. I, lib. I, eux. 18, x. 82.
1. by the grace of God Franciscus, King of France etc., to all princes and estates of the Holy Roman Empire etc. I would that princes and other high estates would so love truth and respectability that they would not vilify with lies those whom they cannot publicly accuse with truth: if so, I would not be so vilified among you in all places where one meets and, as I hear, in all banquets. If they now hope to cause unhappiness between us, who are related to each other by blood and many benefits, they should make a better pretense of such blasphemy, if they were wise.
They accuse me that the message of the Turks and the enemy of Christianity is honestly held by the most Christian king, and that the Germans, on the other hand, are not respected but persecuted. Item, that one sees people in Turkish clothing walking safely and freely in all places; on the other hand, no one is allowed to show himself in German clothing; that all Germans without distinction are considered heretics, accused, attacked, martyred and killed, and that all dungeons are full of Germans, who have no mercy and rescue to wait for, unless the German nation comes together and decides that a great, mighty army is sent to France to rescue the said prisoners by force.
3 Such are impudent men, who, because they cannot attack me publicly with the truth, invent such lies against my honor and glory; but they should paint the matter a better color, and not deal with such foul handles, and not regard you so unintelligently that you should be incited against me with such frivolous speeches, or as
you could not consider by whom, and why, or against whom such lies are fabricated; or that you, as high, wise princes and experienced people, do not know how to notice and distinguish truth from lies.
(4) And, dear friends and old covenant relatives, some articles which are true, and yet are intended to disparage me, have been done by those themselves who order me to be blasphemed with them. To this I will reply, not because I am concerned that such wicked, frivolous people might harm my honor among you, but rather so that I do not give cause by my silence for such lies to be spread further.
(5) And though I would speak more honestly and kindly of those from whom this disparagement originally came, on account of our sisterhood and the majesty and grandeur of their realm; but since this cannot be done on the occasion of these things, for they are primarily meant here, I still do not want to answer too harshly; and although something that might annoy them has been reported, it should be done in such a way that it is felt that I did not feel like such scolding, but that the matter required to be reported.
First of all, I want to ask them themselves: Since they themselves sent messages to the Turk several years ago, and had the Turk's messengers with them, and their advertising was not so honest, and they did this without the knowledge and advice of others, to whom it is reasonable to send such messages, and who are also concerned: Why should I not have the power to send and receive messages for the honor and peace of the common Christianity, as you will hear? Must I then conform so completely to their will that I may not send or accept messages without permission? Or should I, according to their will, against all rights and good customs, do violence to messages, even if they are sent by enemies?
(7) That I now call the Turk Solimannum an enemy is due not only to the fact that he is an enemy of our religion, but also that he is your enemy, whom I am inclined to help. And have
For this reason, since the Turk had planned to attack Germany, I wanted to place my body and fortune with you, and have renounced the Turks, and have called the King of England to me for help in this war, as England and I are accustomed to hold together, and to conduct all our affairs. I have also written to you, the emperor, the pope and others, who have also written to the Turk, offering to go against the Turk first, and to accept three thousand cuirassiers, fifty thousand on foot, among whom I would keep thirty thousand Germans under my pay.
8 On the other hand, some of me have pretended that the Turk practiced with me, and that I incited the Turk to this move, when I have offered all my power against him, to give him pay, and to keep men against him at my own expense. But the fact that the Turk has now sent an embassy to me has this form: "If we want to mean the common good, we will find that it is primarily by God's grace, and then by my faithful diligence, that the reported Turkish legation has been sent to us for the benefit of common Christendom; as we have always held the prosperity, reception and welfare of common Christendom in higher esteem than our own affairs.
9. For although some have previously sought peace from the Turk, so dishonestly that they have also committed themselves to annual tribute against him, so that, if they were safe from the Turks, they might all the more easily oppress and subjugate other potentates, as they then seek such tyrannical sovereignty: I have nevertheless rejected the present peace, which is offered by the Turk himself with good means, and do not want to accept it, unless it would be brought along in such an established peace that all other states and Christian potentates should be safe from the Turk and his hostile behaviour, harassment and war.
(10) Up to now, nothing has prevented the Turks from accepting the peace they wanted, except that they have noted that some of them intend to make a monarchy over us and other potentates; and if the Turks were willing to stand still and make peace, they would in the meantime rise and grow to such a power, which would be dangerous to them and us, as well as to other potentates.
(11) But if it were to be acted upon, or obtained in some way, that peace might be kept by all parts, and that each might be content to possess and retain that which he has a right to, the
The Turk suffers well, and desires it most that he may be safe from war and attack from us and other Christian potentates, and wage his wars outside the Christian kingdoms.
12. Therefore we may say with truth that now we Christian potentates have, as it were, in our hands, whether we want to turn such a mighty, powerful enemy away from Christian lands and kingdoms by an established peace, without war, great misery, destruction of many countries and people and bloodshed, or, for the sake of one or two potentates who seek their own and know neither measure nor end of their ambition, who, if they should rise to such high and mighty power, would also have to be driven by other potentates, let the common Christendom be led into terrible wars, since the end is uncertain; And even if we were victorious, it is to be feared that Victoria would be used for the oppression of other potentates.
(13) What other potentates consider good here, we put to every one's consideration. Truly, we take it for granted that all who think to hinder or refuse this most important deal, to make peace with the Turks, or to do so in a proper way, give little thought to their Christian duty (we do not want to use harsher words this time).
For after these difficult times, when Christendom is divided among itself and many erroneous sects have broken out, it is highly necessary to have peace and a little breathing space for a time, until Christendom is refreshed again, and a universal council is held to discuss and order this controversial opinion, which would be useful for the salvation of the church and, according to the opportunity of the time, for the salvation of souls, and would serve for lasting peace in the future.
15 And if God had intended that Pope Clement VII should have lived for several more years, you should have experienced and seen that we would have come to right harmony again in a short time. For you have undoubtedly understood from our destinies what the said Pope and I therefore discussed and acted with each other. But the fact that the council was not determined and announced so soon was due to the fact that the aforementioned pope told the emperor to hold the council at a place in Italy; on the other hand, I was advised, in my opinion for well-founded, good reasons, that since he, the pope, and the emperor had a large army in Italy, it should be considered that they only wanted to force their way by force to that which they would decide there. About that, that because the emperor is in contact with many
In order for him to keep me out of Italy, I could not go to the proposed site without suspicion if I went armed, and again without danger if I came unarmed.
16 For this reason I consider it more convenient that in Germany, at the border, where there is nothing to worry about, the council should be held; which would be more necessary than it is for the common Christianity, if it were not held in a suspicious and uncertain place, so that it would be dangerous again, lest greater quarrels and trouble arise from it.
And God grant that we may obtain from the new Pope Paul the Third what was not accomplished during the life of Pope Clement. For the same, as I hear from all who know him thoroughly, has always been impartial, has also been elected unanimously, without his doing or desire, so that for this reason he has nothing to worry about in the Concilio, which might not have happened to the others; That is why they may have had so little desire to attend the Council; and this reputation and virtue of his, as well as the fact that he is not biased, I have held in such high esteem that, even though the Cardinals who were related to me could have elected one of my part, and thus made a more 1) if I had wanted to: but I have applied all diligence and effort to the election of this one alone; and this may be said with truth, as almost all the Cardinals know that I sought first of all, after the election, that a council be announced in a convenient and secure place, and that he primarily sought only God's glory and ways, so that Christianity would again be brought to unity.
18 Thus is my excuse concerning the Turkish legation. And since I have reported about the Concilium and common peace and harmony of the churches, I also ask most earnestly that you admonish your preachers and scholars to think of ways to alleviate the disputes of religion and to bring them into unity. And for the sake of the council, let me know what you think is good that I should do, because, as much as I have, I do not lack diligence or effort.
19th But further, what concerns the punishment of some, because of which I am reviled among you, and the other article is of this letter, you shall know that the matter happened thus: Last autumn, after my skilful one had come home again and had told me about your preachers and scholars
1) This is a majority of the votes.
I have brought some writings to you on how to act in this discord, which gave me good hope that things would be set right; but the enemy of truth and father of lies has awakened some not only foolish but even nonsensical people, who have been subject to sedition and other unchristian acts; Which new articles I would rather suppress, and let remain in the places where they arose, than spread among you, as the highest estates; for if such things also existed among you, you have undoubtedly punished them. But in order to prevent such evil, which has led to a terrible uprising, from spreading any further, I have prevented it with all diligence, effort and work; I have had all of their followers, who understood what was right, punished, and in this case, no one, regardless of his class and nation, has been spared.
(20) And if anyone had been of German nation, he also, like the others, should have been punished, and [I] hope it should not have been contrary to you; which also again, if it happened by mine with you, and I wanted to have complaint of it, I did not act as was due or due to a kinsman or Christian king with you.
21 However, no one of the German nation has been taken or suspected among such abusers, which I am very pleased about; and God would have it not happen among my own. Therefore, it is actually true that no German has been killed, since all heretics would be considered Germans, as my detractors interpret this. Also, as far as I know, no German has been imprisoned or conscripted. There are also Germans publicly at my court, namely several German princes and many of the nobility, and in the towns and villages there are many students, merchants and craftsmen, who all, like other my subjects, even as my own children, live and walk safely with me.
22 Therefore, dear friends and old covenant relatives, you have enough to note from this clear report on what grounds such forced, unfounded disparagement of me is urged by those who are more hostile to you and the whole German name than to me; for they realize that they are so weakened by our kinship and friendship that they are not able to suppress both of us, me and you; for which reason they also work fiercely to make discord and to agitate us together,
2) Here we have deleted "to".
and consider that it should be their prosperity, which part would suffer, and so that they would arm themselves all the more easily, if we were weakened by each other ourselves, and thus spoil us with less effort.
23) But our relationship, which I respect as a special gift and benefit of God, for the good of the German and French nations, is so strongly rooted that we hope it will not be torn apart by such treachery that you will not be moved against a king who is your friend, who has never done you any harm, but, like his forefathers, shows you support for your honor and benefit, whom no one may consider a weak friend or enemy.
God preserve your majesty and honor. Dat. Paris (1 Feb.) Anno 1535.
1283 Spalatin's protocol of the conversation between the French envoy Langaeus on one side and Chancellor Brück, Melanchthon, the Landgraves and Jakob Sturm on the other. December 20, 1535.
The original of this document is found in the Weimar Archives, 8, col. 99, n. 42, reprinted from it in Seckendorf's Hi8t. Uutk., lid. Ill, x. 105 and in the German Seckendorf, p. 1447.
What the king's orator in France, Guiliel-mus Bellajus, Langaei dominus, with D. Brück, Chursächsischer Kanzler and the others on Monday after the fourth Sunday of Advent (that is the 20th December) at Schmalkalden quite early has acted.
I. As far as the primacy of the pope is concerned, the king in France holds with ours, namely that the pope has it only by human, not by divine right. The king in England, however, does not want to admit that he has it by human right. For up to now, the Pope of Rome has been able to depose and install kings according to his own pleasure, as he is now doing in England, even though the King of France begs against it, and the Cardinals themselves beg against it, even though the latter fears neither the Roman Pope nor all his followers.
II Our opinion of the Sacrament of Holy Communion pleases the king, but not his theologians, who seek to preserve the transformation in every way. Accordingly, the king is looking for something certain on which he can rest, because he alone is lord in his kingdom.
III There is a great dispute about the mass (in the margin it is written: the royal orator has also added prayer, invocation and intercession of the saints to these). The king said: "Our people must give in a little, yes, ours must allow his mass; one must also keep moderation and not hold more than three daily in the parish churches: the first one in the morning hours for day laborers and for servants, the two others for the others. The king also thinks that many prayer formulas and legends, as clumsy and ungodly, should be abolished or at least improved; for there are many inconsistent and ridiculous things in them, like that of Carl the Great. Therefore, he said, things must be brought back to the old state. For the king had said that he had an old prayer book written many years ago, in which there was nothing about the intercession of the saints; he had also heard that Bessarion had once said: the new saints made him much more work than the old ones. Accordingly, the king agrees with us in the article on invocation and prayer; nevertheless, one could mention the saints in the prayer in such a way that, for example, if the memory of Peter or Paul, as they suffered shipwreck, were to occur, we would pray and believe that we would also be saved in danger and distress. For remembrance, and not for intercession.
IV. The king also approves our opinion of images of the saints, so that the people are taught that they are not to be worshipped, but can be kept in memory.
V. About the merit of the saints, the French theologians remain firm in their opinion, and say: they deserve in such a way that they are heard for us; here it is now necessary to work so that the king understands the truth.
VI. The king also likes our opinion of free will; for although the theologians disliked it at first, after reading Philip's (Melanchthon's) Locos communes, they agreed with our opinion.
VII About purgatory, the theologians defend their opinion most vehemently, because mass, indulgences, legacies, mass stuff, and recently everything depends on it. For they would see that otherwise they would lose all opportunity to gain goods, honors and everything. When the king gave them a few months' notice and they accepted it, they gave the king no answer, even though they had promised to prove purgatory from the Scriptures. Finally, when the king pressed them, they said that it was not necessary to give "the sword" into the hands of the enemies, because where they had written something about it, they had not given it to them.
If we put it on, ours will refute it. Therefore, it would be useful for him, the orator, if one of our people wrote to the king from Purgatory.
VIII. Concerning good works, the theologians stand firm in their opinion, namely, that good works are necessary. He answered them, however, that we also say that they are necessary, but not that we are justified and saved by them. The orator added that the heresiarch was of a better opinion in this matter than the theologians, as he confessed that he had learned so much from Philip's Loci communes that he now understood Augustinum and Ambrosium better than before. The heresiarch also thinks rightly of the faith; he therefore believes that one can compare oneself in this piece.
IX. With regard to the monastic vows, he said, the king hoped to receive so much from the pope that, although boys were admitted to monasteries to teach them, they would not be forced to take monastic vows before their thirtieth or fortieth year, but would be left free to leave the monastery again and marry if necessity required it. This, the king says, is not only useful for the church, but also for the secular government, so that one has people who can be used for offices. Therefore, the king is not pleased that monasteries are destroyed, but that people are not forced to take vows; for one must try to come to unity gradually, just as one cannot break a horse's tail all at once, but little by little. Therefore, monasteries must be set up in such a way that they will be good schools in the future, in which learned people are maintained to teach the youth and young people to learn. Besides, it is necessary and useful to keep moderation. But the king hoped to receive from the pope that he would also be of this opinion.
X. The orator said that the French theologians do not approve of the marriage of priests; but the king likes this means, that our married priests are allowed to live in marriage, the others, and those who will enter the clerical state in the future, remain in single status, or, if they marry, they are deprived of the priesthood and the parish office. For the saying of Abbot Paphnutius referred to by ours does not belong here, as the theologians judge, who say that the Concilium speaks of those who married before they became priests, for that some should have married after they had already been priests is nowhere to be found.
XI. The orator said that the king had diligently acted with the Roman pope Clemens, and that he hoped to receive so much from this pope that he had decreed and ordered that everyone should be free to receive both or one form according to his conscience. The King further affirmed that he had heard from very old people that 120 years ago in France both forms were also administered to the laity, but by means of a chantry and in a chapel, not in a public church, and so also today the kings in France receive the Sacrament under both forms. Therefore the king of France, when he reproached the theologians, had to hear that this was permitted to the king, but not to the laity; for it is written of and to the kings: You are the chosen race, the royal priesthood.
Further, after finishing these articles, as we were about to leave, the orator added the following: Pope Clement had ordered the Spanish Cardinal St. Crucis to improve the prayers and chants, and he did so, inserting psalms instead of the ungodly, clumsy chants. But the French theologians condemned the Cardinal for this. For the Sorbonne theologians arrogate to themselves such great dominion that they are not afraid to condemn not only us as heretics, as they speak, but also the Cardinals and the Pope himself. The orator also said: the article of justification, as it is explained by ours, the king considers to be right. Furthermore, because this cause was great and holy, the king was dealing with a union of the churches. He, the orator, had once dealt with the Dukes of Bavaria, but found them tougher than the Sorbonnists; however, their toughness has recently been broken to such an extent that Bonaccursius promises that they will now give a more lenient answer. Julius Pflug also assures a better from his Duke George and the Elector of Mainz. However, it would be very agreeable to the king if two or three scholars of ours were sent to him, who would hold a discussion of these things before him; for the king wanted to summon to this discussion both the very hardest Sorbonnists and those who hold with us, to bring the evangelical truth to light. In addition, the king thinks that our princes and estates should not declare themselves before they have obtained the opinion of the kings of France and England, which the kings in question also want to do. Moreover, it is not advisable, even though a concilium may be
It is necessary to keep it now, for if it is replaced at this time, the better and purer part will be overcome and suppressed by the greater. In the past, the kings of France and Navarre were deprived of their kingdoms, and this for no other reason than because they claimed that the concilia should not be proclaimed by the Roman pope alone, but also by the emperor and kings. Just as today the Emperor does not have possession of the Kingdom of Navarre under any other right than because King Ferdinand of Spain drove the King of Navarre out of it when the Pope so deprived him of it. Summa, the king was very much inclined to this matter, and he liked a safe place for the Concilio, where only men could freely express their opinion. In addition, he thought it would be very useful if the princes and estates would send a letter to the King of France at this convention, asking him to reinstate those who had been expelled for their faith and not to pay them anything for what they had believed, said and done.
1284 King Francis' letter to Melanchthon inviting him to France. June 23, 1) Anno 1535.
This letter is found in Melanchthon's sxist., lid. I, v. 70; in Goldast's oonst. iurp., tom. Ill, x. 560 and rm Usfi, vol. II, 879.
Translated into German by M. Aug. Tittel.
Francis by the Grace of God, King of the French, to our dear Philip Melanchthon our greeting!
I had indeed earlier heard of your special zeal and diligence to settle and quiet the disputes that have been introduced into Christian doctrine from our chamberlain and councilor, Wilhelm Bellai [Herr von] Langen (Langaei2 ) domino),
I have heard and seen from your letters to him and from the speeches of Barnabä Vocäi Fossä, who has returned from you, that you are also willing to take on this task, next time.
1) Thus the Oorp. Rst.; Walch has the 28th of June.
2 ) He also signs himself: DanMU8. See Seckendorf, nist. Uutü., lid. Ill, x. 106 d. Compare the beginning of the previous number.
I would like you to come to us at least, and to discuss with some of our teachers about the unification of the doctrines personally with us, and to make means, so that the excellent harmony of the church state will be restored. Which is the only thing that has always been so dear to my heart that I have desired nothing so much, striven for nothing so much, and been anxious for nothing so much, as for this very thing; therefore I do not want to refrain from sending this Vocäum Foffam to you again immediately with this letter, as a testimony to my loyalty, and at the same time to ask that you not let yourselves be pulled away from this good and holy intention by anyone's coaxing. You will be very welcome to me, you may come on your own behalf or on behalf of others as an emissary, and you will indeed learn that I have always cared and still care for Germany's honor and the common peace in general before others. Farewell. From the city of Bruk, 3) June 23, 1535.
1285 Melanchthon's petition to the Elector John Frederick of Saxony, in which he asks for permission to travel to France for religious reasons. Approximately August 17, 1535.
This letter is found in the Altenburg edition, vol. VI, p. 1428; in the Leipzig edition, vol. XXI, p. 88 and in the Oorp. We assume that this letter was written either at the same time as the next one or shortly before. Walch does not have a date.
Most Serene, Highborn Prince and Lord! E. C. F. G. are my poor services in subservience before. Most gracious Prince and Lord! After some, namely 18, were burned in France in Paris because of religion, and many were caught and escaped, and the brother of the bishop of Paris, along with some others, took upon himself to turn the king to pardon, the said brother of the bishop wrote to me and had it written that the king was inclined to speak to us about this religious matter, and that for this reason the persecution had been stopped, according to the same writings, which my favorable lords, D. Martinus and D. Brück, read; then the bishop's brother asked me to go for a ride in France. To whom I thus replied to their vehement letter that
3) The variants that can be found for this", name are: In 6orp. Rot.: Drukso; in koue.: Oulsi; in 6oä. Ootfi.: OnosE; in 606th Das.: Oio^ss, and in Ooä. Dav.: OrÜ86.
I was concerned for many reasons that even if I were called upon to do these things, the opposite would be so powerful and mighty that I would accomplish little. However, I have finally decided that I would nevertheless offer myself, if they would consider it to be fruitful, to be at the will of the king and them; but with E. C. F. G.'s permission, and if I had the king's escort. I also wrote the other day that I wanted to do such a thing for my own person, and I did not want to burden E. C. F. G. or other estates with this. The King has now sent me his escort and requested that I come, although I could now dispute all sorts of things about the letters, since it nevertheless has the appearance that I have offered myself in part. For if I were to refuse, it would be regarded as contempt, or as if I were shy of the matter. Item, that it is practiced by the bishop of Paris and his brother for relief, I wanted to do this ride in the name of God, if E. C. F. G. graciously allowed me, for my person, as privata persona. For it is true that this great, important trade of religion must be presented to the great potentates and foreign nations as much as possible, so that they will begin to hear this teaching, and not at the same time condemn Anabaptists and us, as our enemies hold us all equal, and pretend to the foreign nations. This alone is my concern, and I seek nothing else in this. And although I well recognize my person's low standing, also my clumsiness, I am nevertheless moved by the fact that the enemies, if I do not appear, will interpret this as if I were shy of the things, and perhaps the people who have done this to alleviate the persecution, would also like to be reprimanded against the king. As another clever man has already let himself be heard, he did not want to come back to France if I did not go with him. All this moves me. Although I have a great deal of difficulty and concern in this matter, I will nevertheless have the matter submitted to E. C. F. G. and ask that E. C. F. G. will graciously consider the trade and, if it is deemed harmless, graciously allow me two or three months for my person as long as possible. I have spoken with D. Caspar Creutzigern, who in the meantime will have all the more diligence and work in Jena 1). In addition, I have also received through others the lecture for the youth, also the lection
1) On August 19, the university was moved from Wittenberg to Jena because of the plague. For the sake of the plague, Melanchthon must have gone to Torgau, from where this letter is dated.
M. Francisci, and put all this to E. C. F. G.'s gracious consideration. God graciously preserve E. C. F. G. at all times. Date Torgau, Anno 1535.
E. C. F. G.
most subservient
Philip Melanchthon.
1286 D. Mart. Luther's letter to the Elector John Frederick of Saxony, in which he strongly urges him to allow Melanchthon to make this journey. August 17, 1535.
This letter is found in the Eisleben edition, vol. II, p. 850; in the Altenburger, vol. VI, p. 491; in the Leipziger, vol. XXI, p. 89; in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 6l9 and in the Erlanger, vol. 55, p. 102 (the latter reports that the original is in the gräflich Ortenburgische Bibliothek zu Tambach in Oberfranken). Also in 0ulN6rariu8, vita Llslaveü., Hai. 1777, x>. 431.
To the most illustrious, highborn prince and lord, Herr Johanns Friederich, Duke of Saxony and Elector, Archmarshall of the Holy Roman Empire, Landgrave in Thuringia and Margrave of Meissen, my most gracious lord.
Grace and peace, with my Pater noster. Most Serene, Highborn Prince, Most Gracious Lord! I humbly and most earnestly ask you, E. C. F. G. want to allow M. Philippo in God's name to move to France. I am moved to such a request by the lamentable writing of the honest, pious people, who have hardly escaped the fire, and M. Philipp's future has brought the king with all diligence to an end of the murdering and burning. Should the people now lack their consolation, the bloodhounds may gain cause I fear that M. Philip cannot in good conscience leave them in such distress and deprive them of their heartfelt, necessary consolation. Without what suspicion the king himself and his own would draw, perhaps also from all of us, because he so graciously writes and sends word on M. Philip's promise himself.
Your Lordships wanted to dare, by God's grace, the three months of M. Philip. Who knows what God wants to do, which thought
are always higher and better than ours. So I would also be sorry for my person that so many pious hearts, which call M. Philipps miserably and certainly wait for him, should be saddened, and perhaps also many others take evil thoughts from us. Therefore, we ask once again that Your Lordship will graciously hear M. Philip and not refuse. Our prayers are not possible without that of Your Electoral Grace. Our prayers are offered daily before God, and also in diligent work; may He guide and strengthen Your Electoral Grace with His Holy Spirit for M. Philip. May he guide and strengthen your electoral grace with his Holy Spirit to his gracious, good will, amen. Tuesday after Assumptionis Mariaw [August 17] 1535.
E. C. F. G.
subservient
Martinus Luther, D.
1287 Philipp Melanchthon's letter of apology to the King of France that he would have to postpone the required journey.
Aug. 28, 1535.
This letter is found in Melanchthon's opist., lid. I, p. 71; in Pezel's oolloot., pari. I, x. 218 and in the Oorp. Lok., vol. II, 913.
Translated from Latin by M. Aug. Tittel.
To the King of France Francisco Philip Melanchthon wishes salvation and grace.
1st Most Christian, Most Great King! Since beautiful France possesses so many other ornaments above all the kingdoms of the world, it is also to be praised most highly because it has always been ahead of all other nations in learning, and has always stood on guard, as it were, in defense of the Christian religion. Therefore, it rightly bears the blessed title of the most Christian of all, about which there can be no more delicious and glorious praise in the world.
2 Therefore, I wish Your Royal Majesty happiness that she is also now concerned to preserve the Church, although not by force, but by the right way and the way that befits one of the best and most Christian kings, and that in these disputes between the two parties, she will bring heat to the Church.
The church seeks to moderate the Christian doctrine, to save and purify Christ's honor, and to promote the prestige of the clergy and the tranquility of the commonwealth. Nothing can be more praiseworthy than this sense and intention, which may rightly be called royal. Therefore, I ask Your Royal Majesty not to abandon such concerns and thoughts. For although common discord in some places gives place to heated and evil teachers, it has been sufficiently revealed by pious men what the church is primarily concerned with and what must therefore be primarily sought. So whether the will of the wicked can be tamed, I ask Your Royal Majesty not to be tempted by the judgments or writings of some hard people to have good things and things useful to the church destroyed as well. I have never been pleased with too vehement an opinion, or that the beautiful and holy order of the churches might be disrupted by it, for all should love and hold fast to it. And so, I know, are all the pious men among us, as much as they do the scholarship that I do.
Therefore, I testify before God that as soon as I received your Royal Majesty's letter, I endeavored to travel to your Royal Majesty as much as I always could. For there is nothing dearer to me than to help the church to a certain extent according to my little, and I had good hope, since I saw that your Royal Majesty was of such a godly and easy-going disposition, and would like to have advised the honor of Christ. However, your Royal Majesty will hear from Vocaeus what difficulties I still have to endure a little; which, although they may delay my journey a little, they have not been able to turn my mind away from the intention of the journey, nor from the diligence and zeal to settle such disputes. But Vocaeus will report all this in greater detail.
Finally, I commend myself to the grace of Your Royal Majesty and promise that I will always base my opinion on the judgment of learned and pious men in the Church and join them. Christ keep your Royal Majesty healthy and happy, and govern her to promote the common salvation of the world, and especially to increase and spread the glory of God. Given in Saxony, August 28, in the year of Christ 1535.