Two meetings of the Protestants at Schmalkalden and the covenant established there, and what has happened in the meantime because of Ferdinand's election as Roman king.
1187. farewell of the first convention at Schmalkalden, at which a rotel of a covenant has been conceived and immediately approved and accepted by some states. Given the 31st of December, Anno 1530.
From Hortleder's Causes of the German War, tom. I, IN). 8, 6ux>. 7, S. 1322.
1. as the most illustrious, noble, highborn princes and lords, lord John, duke of Saxony, archduke of the holy roman empire.
marschall und Churfürst, Herr Ernst, Herzog zu Braunschweig und Lüneburg, Herr Philipp, Landgraf zu Hessen, und Herr Wolfgang, Fürst zu Anhalt 2c., of his own person; also of the noble and highborn Prince and Lord, Lord Georgen, Margrave of Brandenburg, appointed councillors; likewise the well-born and noble, Lord Gebhard and Lord Albrecht, Counts and Lords of Mansfeld, of their own person, for themselves; and then Count Albrecht, on account of Duke Philippsen of Brunswick; also of the subsequently named honorable, free imperial and other cities bot-
The following cities, namely Strasbourg, Nuremberg, Constance, Ulm, Magdeburg, Bremen, Reutlingen, Heilbronn, Memmingen, Lindau, Kempten, Isni, Bibrach, Windsheim and Weissenburg in the northern part of the Gau, have recently come here to Schmalkalden in the matters of our holy faith at Augsburg for the sake of the arduous treaty with the empire, and for the sake of all their electoral and princely graces. They have discussed and united with each other for the sake of all their graces and favors.
2. And namely, first, my most gracious and gracious lords, electors and princes, also the two counts of Mansfeld, who were assembled here in their own persons, and then the cities of Strasbourg, Ulm, Magdeburg and Bremen, Reutlingen and Heilbronn, sent messages for themselves, and as rulers of the other Upper German cities, of a Christian understanding to defend against and save the mighty invasion, and put up a note, which was immediately approved and accepted by the princes, counts, and the two cities of Magdeburg and Bremen; In it, however, some of the aforementioned cities are to sign or copy, as they know, namely in six weeks, the next after the date of this decree, to the Elector of Saxony. Since, however, our gracious lord Margrave Georgen of Brandenburg's appointed councilors, as well as the envoys from Nuremberg, Windsheim and Weissenburg, have had no command in this matter, they have neither been able nor willing to do anything about it outside of their gracious lords and friends.
3. Therefore, our most gracious and gracious lords, as reported above, are of the will and mind to request our gracious lord Margrave George and the Nurembergers by messages or writings with a Christian good report, on account of other Christian states, with the comforting confidence that our gracious lord, Margrave George, and the people of Nuremberg, together with the towns of Windsheim and Weissenburg, will then come to a friendly and benevolent agreement with our gracious lords, the counts and other estates.
On the other hand, all the above-mentioned lords and princes, also the counts, and then our gracious Lord Margrave Georgen, and also the embassies of the honorable free and imperial cities, have agreed to send a letter to the Roman imperial majesty, in order to mediate the arduous farewell, as much as imperial majesty's fiscal process is concerned. Majesty's Fiscal Proceß, and to send the same document from here to the Imperial Majesty. Majesty, also
In addition, our most gracious and gracious lords, the Elector of Saxony, also Margrave Georgen of Brandenburg, and the Landgrave of Hesse, and then the Nuremberg Council's embassies, which are now at Cologne without this in other matters, have written to present such a document to the Imperial Majesty. Majesty such writing, and also to request a gracious and dignified 1) answer.
(5) Thirdly, my most gracious and gracious lords, the electors and princes, also the two counts, and then our gracious lord Margrave George's councillors, also the honorable cities, have promised each other embassies for themselves, and instead of their principals, on account of which they are here, and on account of which they have power, where the imperial treasurer, the Confederation of Swabia, or someone else, their electors and princes, or the counts and cities reported, one or more, or someone of theirs, in matters of our holy faith, or what is attached to it. or reported counts and cities, one or more, or one of their own, in matters of our holy faith, or what is attached to the same, would or would take action on the outgoing treaty, and in the appearance of right or other ways complain, that all of their graces and favors shall be constant, reliable and helpful to one another in such matters, as for this reason a special list has also been drawn up, in which it is also provided in the end, whether and if the said Protestant estates, or in particular, the aforementioned agreement, edict or mandate in matters of faith has been sent and inserted, how the aforementioned estates in general, and each in particular, are to conduct themselves with the non-acceptance of such agreement, edict or mandate, so that it is unanimously held by their graces and in their favor, and nothing else is noted, except that all of their graces and in their favor want to stand and remain with each other in matters of faith.
6. Fourthly, because up to now, in every Christian state, principality, authority, and territory, and even in every parish church, customs have been kept that every pastor, regardless of whether he is learned or unlearned, has considered good, causing such manifold annoyances not only among those who are opposed to the holy Gospel, but also among the good-hearted, and especially those who are still weak in the faith: It is considered Christian and good that all, and the majority, of the above-mentioned Christian princes, rulers and estates, their excellent learned theologians, legal scholars and other experts, should be appointed to a named day, which our most gracious
1) Perhaps it is to be read: "gewierige", that is "granting" answer.
Lord, the Elector of Saxony, within two months, the next one to be appointed and appointed in a place situated as against Nuremberg, shall send together not only to discuss whether a unanimous or uniform church order should be agreed upon and be good, but also to talk about how the public sin, disgrace and vice, by which not only the Gospel is blasphemed, but also God's wrath and punishment would be brought upon us, may be spiritually and temporally punished, stopped and occur. This would be pleasing to God Almighty, and would promote the holy Gospel in many ways; item, the same deputies should immediately compare the advice that each estate should give to counter the Fiscal, the League of Swabia, the Imperial Commission, or other authorities, through its learned people, according to the list that has been announced. The same applies to the appeal against the Augsburg Treaty, with a Christian and proper report on the articles written therein, and how our most gracious lord, the Elector of Saxony, has in the meantime, by the grace of his elector, made excellent theologians and theologians of the Church. The other Christian states shall nevertheless have their theologians and other scholars put their consideration and opinion of such appeal in writing, and send it to our gracious lord, the Elector of Saxony, as soon as possible, to be sent to his electoral scholars. The court will then send it to his scholars, if they find anything good in it, and if they would like to make use of it, so that the appeal can be made first of all according to all necessity.
7 The Estates, if they have not been authorized to appeal here, shall also send their ratification of such appeal to the Elector of Saxony as soon as possible in the best form, so that there will be no lack of it.
Fifth, since the Anabaptist sect will not cease, and much evil and trouble is to be expected from the same rotteries, conventicles, and doctrines, as is also found in daily experience, the councils (as stated above), appointed together, shall confer with one another and compare how the same Anabaptists, since their transgression is not the same, should and may be punished with God and a good conscience.
9) Sixthly, it is considered that the Christian states, by public announcement and other ways, accuse the whole Christendom of
and are called out, as if they had no reason or justification for their actions, nor had they been consistent in their confession and actions at Augsburg, but had wavered now and then, and acted one against the other, which not only causes apostasy and harm to the Christian estates, but also to the holy Gospel, which, for the salvation of God's word, honor and truth, and also for the salvation of the Christian estates, is a Christian call and notice of all actions, in Latin and German, and also, where it could justly be done, in French, and be put into print, so-that now each of the above-mentioned estates may soon have his consideration and opinion of it put forward, and for the future inform his learned councilors, who (as stated above) are to meet for other matters, to also compare it with each other, so that it may be put into print for the future and go out.
(10) It is also to be taken into account that, after the Imperial Majesty, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor. Maj, and the kings of France and England, together with other potentates, are to meet briefly at Camereck 1) that the Christian estates may, without any doubt, be the most reviled in the place, and practiced to move them against the Christian estates, that it should be necessary and good to prepare the notice, or otherwise a short report of the action, in Latin, and, if necessary, also in French, so that it can be sent to the Christian kings and other potentates for the apology of the Christian states and a true report of the trade, which will hopefully do much good and prevent all kinds of harm.
(11) And because the appeal of the Christian estates shall be made not only for nullity, but also for justice, according to all necessity, and with the introduction of all action, it is deemed good to send to the kings of France, England and Poland, Navarre, Denmark, Sweden, and other potentates, credible copies of such appeal, at the first, and, if it would be possible, before some of them meet with Imperial Majesty. Majesty, at their own embassy, or otherwise by letter, or be requested to deserter or promote such an appeal pro delatione by the Christian estates, and (not) to object to the Christian estates being admitted and allowed to carry out their appeal.
12 The same shall also be presented to the Imperial Majesty and the Imperial Court. Majesty and the Imperial Court of Appeal. Chamber Court the appeal
1) Oameraeurn - Cambray.
with a humble and gracious request to establish and promote a Christian concilium in Germany as soon as possible, as the writings are therefore to be presented in the most gracious and necessary manner.
(13) Let every one of the Christian estates also order his scholars to do so, since it is evident from 1) several indications and suspicions that a concilium will shortly be proclaimed, that they diligently seek the old conciliar constitutions, also the old decrees, and how the fathers taught and held the now ambiguous articles, also which are for and against us. Item, how the old Christian concilia are held, and should be held in a Christian way. And if the opposition, as is to be assumed, wants to have a papal concilium, in which the pope is to be the head, and only the papal bishops are to vote, how this is to be countered and averted. That the same scholars of all estates otherwise make themselves skilful and composed in holy divine Scripture to defend and preserve our holy faith, and what depends on it, with God's grace and help.
For all of this, may our Lord God give His Holy Spirit, wisdom, grace, power, strength, and eternal constancy, and in addition, may He give peace to the Christian estates and all of Christendom, and all that is conducive to His praise and glory; therefore, the common estates should and will provide God the Almighty in their churches of all their principality, principality, and territory, with earnest diligence and heartfelt petition, for the most beneficial.
15 Finally, it is considered necessary and good that this parting, especially whether and how one has acted with the other for the sake of Christian understanding, be kept secret in the highest secrecy, and that no state should allow itself to be remembered otherwise than as if one had indeed finally been compared with the other.
Actum on the last day of Decembris Anno Domini 1530.
Nota: After the other estates and cities have asked our most gracious Lord, the Elector, after the resolution of this farewell, if his Electorate will have the Augsburgs put up an appeal to Nothdurft. Gn. have had the Notel of Appeal of the Augsburg Farewell put in place according to necessity, that His Electoral Grace grant the other estates and cities the right to appeal. Grace to send a copy of it to the other states and cities before it is published.
1) "off" put by us instead of: "off".
so that they may also see themselves therein, it is granted by all such estates and cities that such shall be done, and the reported appeal, without their knowledge and will, shall not be published. Actum Schmalkalden, Saturday after Jnnocentium [Dec. 31] Anno Domini 1530.
1188 Letter from Elector John to von der Planitz, after he had learned that he was to be excluded from the upcoming election of the Roman king out of hatred for his religion. Nov. 15, 1530.
From Müller's Hist., lib. Ill, eup. 47, S. 994.
By the Grace of God John, Duke of Saxony and Elector 2c.
Noble, dear faithful and councilor! Although you and other of our councilors have now written to us and reported what Imperial Majesty, together with the Princes and Estates of the Holy Roman Empire, has indicated to you. Majesty, together with the Princes, Princes and Estates, has sent you and our kinsmen letters and messages of peace for your reply, and you have acted diligently on all sides: You know, however, that in our departure from Augsburg we ordered you and the others to write from Torgau that you, for the sake of the four articles, namely our fiefdom in the Church of Saxony, the confirmation of our son's marriage, and the others, where Count Palatine Frederick might be pardoned, should apply to Imperial Majesty himself. Maj. himself. Now we have heard from your next letter that you have spoken to Count Palatine Frederick about this once more, and that his dear one has offered to ask Imperial Majesty again about it. Majesty; however, we have not heard from the letter that we have now received what the matters of the four articles mentioned stand for, and whether you have received further notification from Palgrave Frederick on this matter from Imperial Majesty. Majesty or not. However, since we have a great deal at stake, especially for the sake of our fiefdom, we write to you and the other councils to encourage them once again, in accordance with our previous order, and in particular that we do not want to leave your confidential opinion undisclosed, since it has come to our attention in many ways and in a credible manner that Imperial Majesty is completely determined to have the matter decided. Majesty should be completely determined and willing to support Her Majesty's brother, King Ferdinand. King Ferdinand to become Roman King, the King shall also make a number of
Bohemian lords to travel to Frankfurt for the election day and then to Aachen for the coronation with their royal dignities, in such a way that they are to arrive at Nuremberg in the near future on Catharine [Nov. 25], and we are to be excluded from the election and not required to do so. Now we would like to know as much as possible whether this is to be the case or not, so that we can make our need known to the other Electors, as well as to others; For although we do not want to provide that their loved ones will subject themselves to such an unheard-of innovation and action, contrary to the golden bull and all the customs of the realm, in consideration of how they may well consider what incorrectness may result from this in the realm, moreover that we know from the graces of God that we do not give cause to segregate ourselves, nor do we overcome any things to such an extent that we might be deprived of our office as churgeon by proper recognition: We are nevertheless not a little suspicious that the Imperial Majesty has thus recently condemned us to Augsburg. Majesty is to break out of Augsburg recently and travel to Frankfurt together with the King and the Electors, and that the King has ordered his people out of the Crown of Bohemia, as has been stated, since we have not yet received any notification of this. And we consider it to be the case that the aforementioned four articles, and especially our fiefdoms, have now been observed by Imperial Majesty. Majesty, the trans 1) will finally determine whether we are to be lent or not, and thus whether we are to be considered a prince or not. We have also been willing to send the letters of credence, together with instructions as to what you should have sent to our friends, the Electors and the absent embassies, for which you should have advertised: we have nevertheless also considered that if we should send something special to their loved ones and to them, before we actually or safely know what our opinion should be, we would all the more like to give cause for reflection in acting against us. So that we may nevertheless more easily understand what our opinion should be, we graciously request that you, along with the others of our council, promote the answer to the four articles, and especially for the sake of the fiefs, since [we] fear that it is a vain delay on the part of Count Palatine Frederick, with Imperial Majesty. Majesty, and therefore diligently persist, and what has fallen to answer, and you have heard of the indicated election and our separation, or possibly, ours therein.
1) Thran (?).
You will write and make known to us for our own hands in the most conducive and straightforward manner, and you will show us special favor in this. Date Torgau, on the 15th day of November, Tuesday after Martini, Anno Domini 1530.
1189. Excerpt from a letter of the Protestant Estates to Emperor Charles V, dated December 24, 1530, in which they object to the election of Ferdinand as Roman king.
This and the following document are found in Sleidanus, lib. VII, x>. 204.
Translated from Latin.
You would hear, Your Imperial Majesty. Maj. wanted their brother, Ferdinand, to be elected Roman King at his request; now, however, it was known to the men that the election was in the hands of the Electors and that, according to the Carolinian Law, they had the right, after the death of the Emperor, to elect another in the name of the entire Roman Empire; and nevertheless the Elector of Mainz, during his Majesty's lifetime, and since the case in question had not yet occurred, had summoned them, the Electors, to Cologne at the end of this month, contrary to the above imperial law and custom; they also heard that the other Electors would assemble there at his request, and because of Ferdinand's advertisement, would actually carry out the election, as if it had been agreed. For this rumor had already spread far and wide; and since this was the case, they wanted to have His Majesty reminded of one and the other. For although they would much rather refrain from such writing, they could not do so out of love for him and for the freedom of the fatherland attained by the ancestors, and in remembrance that in these last times deceit and trickery are very prevalent. Therefore, he would above all know how to remember how highly he had pledged himself to the empire, with what a noble oath he assured to keep above the Carolinian law, on which the freedom of the Roman empire mainly depended; how faithfully he vows not to do anything against it, nor to permit anyone to act contrary to it, as which treaties could not be broken, annulled or changed except with the consent of all the estates of the empire; but if now, during his lifetime, a Roman king were elected, and that a brother in the flesh, who would and would apply for it, he himself sees that this would be in conflict with the law.
1776 Erl. 54,202 f. Sect. 1. Convente zu Schmalkalden. No. 1189 ff. W. XVI.2154-2IS6. 1777
The people of the kingdom would not like to hear that either they would accuse him of not keeping faith with the law, with the freedom of the empire, with the assurance given, with the treaty and with the loyalty given; how it would weigh him and the whole empire down to have at the same time two heads to whom one would have to be submissive on both sides. And because, finally, they would not like to hear that either he was accused of not being faithful, or that they were accused of being too sleepy and not seriously concerned about the welfare of the common people, they would rather ask him to believe that this letter of theirs would not be a sign of love for them, They would rather ask him to believe that this letter of theirs would deprive them of their love for him and the fatherland and the present circumstances, and would like to take the past histories into consideration and stop the election of a new king according to his prestige and power, considering what mischief would result from it in future times, if it were not prevented. For this reason, they also sent letters to the other Electors, hoping that they would also do what was beneficial to the common good and would not give rise to any separation of the imperial estates. Incidentally, they would be prepared to do everything in their power and ability for his sake. 2c.
1190: Excerpt from a letter from Elector John of Saxony to the other Electors, in which he asks them to refrain from electing a Roman king for the reasons given.
See No. 1189.
Because he had been summoned to Cologne by Churmainz, he had sent his son and some of his advisors there, who were to present and act in his name; they would also have understood the most important things about them, according to his wishes, and would hear the rest on the 29th day of December. He admonished them, however, to change their intention and to consider for themselves what harm and damage such an action would cause, both to themselves and to the descendants of the violated right and freedom of the empire; he also asked them to carry out what his son and his advisors had agreed with them in such a way that their love for the common good and for the fatherland could be noticeably deduced from it 2c.
1191 D. Mart. Luther's letter to Prince John of Saxony concerning the election of a Roman king. December 12, 1530.
This letter is found in the Eisleben edition, vol. II, p. 125; in the Altenburg, vol. V, p. 407; in the Leipzig, vol. XX, p. 291; according to the original at the Basel University Library, VutoFrapü. Vol. XXV, toi. 31 in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 201 and in the Erlanger, vol. 54, p. 202.
To the most illustrious, highborn prince and lord, Lord John, Duke of Saxony and Elector, Landgrave in Thuringia and Margrave in Meissen, my most gracious lord.
Grace and peace in Christ. Most Serene, Highborn Prince, Most Gracious Lord! My dear lord and friend, Doctor Brück, Chancellor, as E. C. F. G.'s command, has spoken to me secretly, and requests, as I see fit, to elect a Roman King in the matter now before us, after His Majesty has also requested E. C. F. G. to do so as a Elector. However, as a lowly stature in the eyes of the world, I have neither much to advise nor much to know in such high matters concerning such great estates; for such matters, various circumstances and reputations are hidden from me: nor, as far as I can see from afar and from the outside, do I wish to inform E. C. F. G. of my thoughts on the matter.
First of all, I wish, if they want to elect a king, and do not want to resist such an undertaking, that E. C. F. G., in the name of God, always helps to elect. And this is my motion. First of all, I am concerned that with this election cause will be sought for E. C. F. G., so that if E. C. F. G. refuses, they will have all the more reason to take E. C. F. G.'s command. Otherwise, if E. C. F. G. were to choose to help, E. C. F. G. would have both fiefdoms and chur confirmed in effect, and their cunning plot to deprive E. C. F. G. of the chur would thus also be prevented. Just as God prevented their wickedness in Augsburg, since they also thought that C.F.G. should not appear, and thus they would have a pretense of condemning C.F.G.; but they are mistaken and sorry. Thus, in the election, their wise senses would also be lacking, and E. C. F. G. would be condemned. C. F.G. would retain the fiefdoms and chur with great grudge. Thus E. C.
F. G. that it is not a sin to choose an enemy of the gospel in a worldly way, because E. C. F. G. alone cannot prevent this, and yet it happens. For must E. C. F. G. must obey without the Catholic Church, which condemns the gospel.
The other, where E. C. F. G. now refuses the election, it would perhaps be lent to Duke Georgen or others. It seems to me that there would be an almost annual event in the future when the title would be given to someone else; for then everyone would want to inherit it for his descendants, and eternal envy, quarrels and discord would have to follow, if not much else. Should now E. C. F. G. be a cause for such a refusal of the election and be burdened with such evil in her conscience, then she could be free and rid of it with this election, and without need delve into itZ) I would be sorry, and E. C. F. G. could be free and rid of it with this election, and without need delve into itZ) I would be sorry, and E. C. F. G. could be free and rid of it with this election, and without need delve into it. C. F. G. perhaps in the sight of God. It would be better to dare to choose God, who knows how to send things differently in the future, because we neither care nor think that one would put oneself in such certain present journeys and causes of conscience without need; E. C. F. G. can well stay with the Gospel, if King Ferdinandus offers almost as much against it, as has happened so far under the Emperor. Also, God alone is a master and governor of future cases where he is believed. For I would not like that C.F.G.'s faith and trust in God, now so gloriously shown and proven at Augsburg, should now perish in this case, and give way to thoughts of future things, especially because here neither Scripture nor necessity force such thoughts to be followed, and may well be circumvented.
The third, where the C.C.F.G. refuses to vote, the empire is already torn apart and Germany separated, from which war and all misery must follow. For neither part will yield to the other, and yet without war neither can conquer the other. Because necessity does not demand this, it will be difficult for E. C. F. G. to burden his conscience with this without necessity, as an initial cause of such separation and all kinds of misery. These are difficult things, God knows that; but
1) In the original: "verteufele".
God help us that we do not make them much more difficult, precisely because we want to make them easier. Future things are not in man's knowledge or power, as the old histories teach us, and (where God or necessity does not demand it) it always turns out differently, because one thinks that one must say: I really would not have meant it. If it did not turn out right now for the Pope and Emperor of Augsburg, as they thought, it shall not turn out right for them hereafter, because they want to grasp it with their thoughts. Only that we remain with God and do not, as they do, embark on uncertain future journeys without need.
5 Thus E. C. F. G. know that the Landgrave wants to come out without that, and has had himself enrolled as a citizen of Zurich, which I am truly not very pleased about, and where God does not help nor hinder, it must become a great war, and E. C. F. G. will not be able to help. C. F. G. know that in such a war the error of the sacrament must nevertheless be defended, even driven upon us; for this Christ, my Lord, protect E. C. F. G. For the Swiss have not yet recanted, nor do they fight out of necessity, but to preserve the error. Oh Lord God, I am too childish for such worldly matters. I want to ask and pray that God will grant E. C. F. G. be graciously protected and guided, as has been the case up to now; or, if something should ever happen that I do not like to see, that He will not abandon us with grace, and will give a gracious means and end, amen. E. C. F. G. would graciously pardon my incomprehensible ramblings. I speak as I understand it; but I know well that I would like to have E. C. F. G.'s conscience safe and free, and that it would be the greatest sorrow to me if I should see it come into danger or trouble. I hereby command E. C. F. G. in God's grace, Amen. On Monday after Nicolai s12. Dec.j 1530.
E. C. F. G.
subservient
Martinus Luther.
1192: Philip Melanchthon's misgivings about the election of a Roman king.
This document is found in the Eisleben edition, vol. II, p. 126 b; in the Altenburg, vol. V, p. 408; in the Leipzig, vol. XX, p. 408 and in the 6orr>. Net., vol. II, 447.
1 From Carolo Magno, when the Roman Empire still had Asiam and Europam, it often happened that an emperor made another emperor to himself. For if the people of war lay in a country far from the emperor, and there was a restless captain among them, he would rise up for an emperor. To prevent such rebellion, the emperors would rather elect emperors themselves, whom they would tolerate, than hear that unfaithful tyrants rose up and sat down against them. Thus Marcus Antonius made his brother Verum emperor at the same time as himself, and with Diocletiano ruled Constantinus in the Orient, Constans in the Occident, and afterwards Arcadius in the Orient, Honorius in the Occident. 2c.
After Carolo, however, when the old monarchy was destroyed, and only Jtalia and Germany were called the Roman Empire, before the order of the princes, some made their sons emperors during their lives, but in old age and shortly before their death; this was required by necessity at that time; as, Carolus Magnus Ludovicum Pium, Ludo- vicus Pius Lotharium, unb Lotharius Ludovicum Secundum.
These are not to be respected as co-ruling emperors, because the fathers died soon after the election. Otto the First alone had his son Otto the Other crowned as a co-ruling lord to rule in Jtalia.
4 After that, when the order of princes was made, many, more than before, elected their sons as kings and had them crowned.
5 In the second year of his reign, before receiving the imperial crown, Conradus had his son Henricum Nigrum crowned king at Aachen.
6 This Henricus Niger, shortly before his death, had his son Henricum the Fourth, who was not over five years old, crowned king.
Fridericus Barbarossa made his son Henricum the Roman king during his life and they ruled many years at the same time.
8 This Henricus afterwards practiced with the German princes, that they promised to make his son, Fredericum the Other, Roman king, when he was still a child of three years; but this was kept.
(9) After that, Fridericus Secundus had his elder son Henricum crowned as Roman king during his lifetime, but he perished before his father; therefore the father also had his other son Conradum crowned during his lifetime, who was crowned as Roman king at both imperial congresses, at Speier, and at the Roman Empire.
and Augsburg, was accepted as a Roman king and later succeeded his father in the empire.
10th Carolus IV, who renovated the bull, practiced that during his life Wenceslaus was elected. And a historian, Egnatius, says: Exemplo maxime improbando, that is, that there was a bad example; perhaps especially because he is said to have forgiven some of the kingdom's regalia and other things because of it.
11 Fridericus III also had his son Maximilianum elected during his life.
1193 History of the Election of the Roman King at Cologne, Jan. 5, 1531.
This writing is found at the locations indicated in the previous number (but not in the Oorx. Lst.) immediately after.
After the Imperial Diet at Augsburg had ended and the princes and chieftains had departed again, Emperor Carol, together with the Imperial Majesty's brother King Ferdinand, then King of Hungary and Bohemia, also departed from Augsburg in the month of November, and many princes with them, and went to Cologne on the Rhine. Her Imperial Majesty. Majesty has written to the Elector of Saxony that he should hurry to Cologne on the 21st day of December, because there were things to be done that would be of great concern to the Roman Empire. This letter was delivered to the Elector on the 28th day of November, in which his electoral grace was reminded of his highest duty to appear at Cologne. On the same day, a letter, citation, and request was sent by the Archbishop of Mainz, as Archchancellor of the Empire, to His Electoral Grace, stating that the Emperor requested him to summon the Electors together for the election of a Roman king; therefore, His Electoral Grace was to arrive at Cologne on the 9th day of November.
When now their Electoral Grace was required by two writs for the election day, they gave notice of this. They have given notice of this to the Landgrave of Hesse and other relatives of their confession, princes and cities, and have asked them to meet in Schmalkalden on the second and twentieth day of December. In the meantime, the Elector's. Grace has appointed her son, Duke Johann Friederich of Saxony, with
1) Perhaps to read: "the 19th"? The deputy of the Elector, Duke Johann Friedrich, arrived in Cologne on the 19th, as the following paragraph states.
a constant and legitimate excuse for their stay outside, delivered in their place on a certain day with an instruction. How then Her F. Grace arrived at Cologne on the evening of the 19th day of December, the end of which the Imperial Majesty had also arrived only two days before. Thereupon, on the 20th day of December, His Grace will report to His Imperial Majesty. Majesty and asked for gracious interrogations, which were graciously granted to S. F. G. on the same day. And after the advertisement, Her Imperial Majesty was graciously satisfied with the excuse of the Elector's absence, together with the due offer of inheritance, and was satisfied and pleased with the sending of His Imperial Son.
3rd And after the other Electors had not yet all arrived, so the main reservation of Imperial Majesty was based on the causes of their letter. Majesty, on which the causes of her letter were based, was delayed until Christmas Eve, which was then the fourth and twentieth day of December, since all the Electors were present in person, except Cologne and Saxony, whose authorized embassy appeared at that time; although Cologne still arrived in person that same evening. And after the revered Electors had requested rooms in the Imperial Majesty's... Majesty, the Emperor also summoned the Cardinal and Bishop of Liège, Duke Frederick, Count Palatine, the Margrave of Ansbach, Margrave Henry of Nassau, the Lord of Grate, Camerarium, and Alexander Schweiß, Secretarium. Maj. first personally and orally, then in writing through Count Palatine Friederichen, the Summaries Articles reproached the Electors, concerning the election of a Roman King, that Her Maj. intended to tolerate her brother, King Ferdinandum, as Roman King next to her, whom the Electors also wanted to suffer next to them; and causes were brought forward for this intention:
4. that Her Imperial Majesty is endowed by God with many hereditary kingdoms. Maj. has been gifted by God with many hereditary kingdoms, lands and people, all of which are to be presided over, Her Imperial Majesty would not know how to have their essential abstention in the Empire of the German Nation. Maj. would not have their essential abstention in the Empire of the German Nation. Since now Her Imperial Maj. Maj. was called to the dignity of the Roman Empire, so that so much faithful providence might happen to it, Her Majesty considered it necessary to have a head of a Roman king next to her, with indication and introduction of several moving causes, the careful and dwindling events that have occurred and happened everywhere in Christendom, but especially in the German nation, of her absence, especially with the error and
Conflict of faith. The Turk's arduous, swift, and widespread actions, as the enemy of Christianity, occurred last year. The previous general uprising in the empire was also caused by circumstances. It is said that in many other ways disobedience has grown up in the kingdom.
(5) And although it is not without the order to maintain the regiment and the empire, with the advice and foreknowledge of the Electors and the other imperial estates, due obedience would not be rendered to the same if the empire were not provided with a head that was essentially with it. Therefore Her Imperial Majesty graciously requests Maj. graciously requests that a Roman King be elected in addition to Her Majesty, who would be intelligent, laborious, capable of handling, also of possible power in terms of lands and people, who would be inclined to handle peace and justice, and who would be knowledgeable and experienced in the affairs of the Empire, and in whom Her Imperial Majesty would have to place his trust. Maj. have to trust.
6 Accordingly, Their Imperial Majesties do not know of any other suitable or useful person for this purpose than Their Imperial Majesty. Majesty knew of no one more suitable or useful than Her Imperial Majesty's brother Ferdinand. Majesty's brother Ferdinand, King of Hungary and Bohemia, which kingdom and country, as a rampart, protection and shield of the German nation, would be situated at the stay of the Turk, whom also Her Majesty would tolerate and suffer beside her.
The princes and embassies took this into consideration and asked for a copy of the provisions that had been made, which was granted. And on the following 26th day of December, on the day of St. Stephen, they met again in the Barfüßerkloster in Cologne, there they read over the articles anew, and in council they unanimously agreed that the Imperial Majesty should first of all be requested and asked to graciously remain in the Empire of the German Nation, with obeisance to all due obedience, as their Emperor and Lord. Wherever Her Electorate or other If their Electors or other estates give their Majesty cause for such an action and departure from the German nation, they would be sorry to take it, and if it were indicated by their Majesty, they would put a stop to it and change it.
This was done early that day, before the midday meal, and presented to the Imperial Majesty by the Elector of Brandenburg. Majesty through the Elector of Brandenburg.
9 However, the Imperial Majesty has insisted on its previous opinion and gracious request. Majesty insisted on her previous opinion and gracious request and rested on it, with the appendix that Her Imperial Majesty would not know how to attract the Electors nor the Estates with some reproach.
10 For this reason, the Electors have once again requested their consideration, which has been granted. Thus their Electors are all together with King Ferdinand. All of them, together with King Ferdinand, met again the next day, December 27, in person at the aforementioned Barfüßerkloster monastery, and discussed the matter further. In such council, without any particular moving causes, unanimous votes were immediately cast for the election, and were unanimously agreed upon: because the Imperial Majesty was not satisfied with the election. Majesty persisted in her request and intention that Her Imperial Majesty should continue to request and to grant the right to the new sentence. Majesty that they, the Electors, should be allowed a free election.
11 Although the articles, as reported before, were handed over to the Archbishop of Mainz, as Archchancellor, and read out in the Council, the Saxons also requested a copy of the necessity, but they were refused. Since the son of the Elector of Saxony, and also [the next in command,] Mr. Hans von Mingwitz, Knight and Skilled, did not want to consent that the Imperial Majesty ask for the election. Majesty for the election should be requested or asked, after the recorded concern.
12 Firstly, because the Imperial Majesty has finally decided, among other things, that no other than her Majesty's brother is to be tolerated. Majesty has finally decided, among other things, that no other than Her Majesty's brother is to be tolerated and tolerable.
13 Secondly, that it be noted immediately as if one wanted to take part in the election and surrender to Imperial Majesty's will. Majesty's will.
14 Thirdly, that the articles and causes submitted to Imperial Maj. Maj. and causes have not yet been considered in public council among them, the Electors.
15) Fourthly, that it should be considered much less whether the Imperial Majesty, by virtue of the Bull of Gold, is entitled or entitled to this. The fourth point is that much less consideration should be given to whether the imperial majesty, by virtue of the golden bull, should be entitled or entitled to such a thing; after all, the freedom and justice of the Roman Empire and of the princes is based on this, and is not dedicated to the least. For the golden bulla gives them the choice only in the case of necessity, and no further; namely, if the empire is without a head, if it is vacated or transferred, if a Roman emperor or king dies, with clearly expressed words, only in the case of death. Thus it would also be in public usage that in the disposal of the realm, or the departure of a Roman emperor or king, both Electors, Palatinate and Saxony, would be vicars, and would have the administration of the realm, each in his own circles.
16. fifth, that besides the high obligation and grant, so by pledged
Oath-trust of Her Imperial Majesty. This is to be handed over to each Elector in particular upon the arrival of Her Majesty's election, and it has not yet been assessed, seen, or taken in hand what would be due to Her Majesty in this matter. For such a liberation of the Roman Empire would affect all the common estates of the Empire, and not only the Electors.
From all this, the princes would then have to remember what they all wanted to do with God and God's will. Also, whether such a thing would be considered beneficial to the Roman Empire's honor and welfare, sovereignty and dignity, freedom and justice 1). Furthermore, it is to be considered that the Imperial Majesty is the only one who has the right to do so. Majesty. (God grant a long life!) is still alive and in good health and mind, and in the choice of her imperial profession with the kingdoms and lands. The reason for this is that the Emperor has been gifted with the kingdoms and lands, as he is now, and yet her Majesty's reasons for this are partly to be found in the coveted title to the throne. Causes are partly to be found in the desired election, that Her Imperial Majesty is also among other presumed candidates. Majesty had also, among others, committed and agreed to remain the greater part in the Empire of the German Nation. To this end, not to act or do anything against the golden bulla, the freedoms and rights of the empire, nor to seek the succession of the empire's inheritance; which would be the imperial confirmation and obligation.
If the freedom and justice of the empire are not primarily based on and dedicated to the golden bull, then everyone should be careful not to live contrary to it, but to follow the measured and expressed command of the golden bull in an orderly manner. After obvious causes, from which it happened in former times, that the election of a Roman king could only be decided by the six chapters of the Roman Catholic Church, the Roman Catholic Church was not to be held responsible for the election of the king. The common estates of the empire had practiced this practice for five hundred years before, but now it has been ordered and directed that these same electors should act according to the contents of the golden bull, as a measured command; However, subsequently, over a long period of time, the King of Bohemia, as the seventh person, was also appointed, and thus placed on their sevens, out of the coincidence that if in the aforementioned election there were any comparable votes, that each part had three, so that in such a case future error would be cut off and dealt with 2c., and the ordinary election, in the event of the dissolution of the realm, is permitted to the same Electors 2c.
1) So put by us instead of: "Also whether in such. . would be considered suitable."
(19) And if anything should ever be done and acted outside of the Golden Bull's order and permission, it must be done at their discretion, with the foreknowledge of the Imperial Estates; then that should be considered and taken into account which may further be necessary, honest, and beneficial to the Roman Empire, and may also be conducive to its welfare and serve it.
(20) Thus the several times mentioned Golden Bull, as the principal article of one on which the Roman Empire's freedoms and rights are based, has been confirmed and providentially confirmed by the present Roman Imperial Majesty, Carolo, our most gracious Lord, in the most necessary and honest manner, that the same shall be kept and remain in all respects strong, dignified and inviolate. In addition, Her Majesty does not wish to act, seek, desire or strive for succession and inheritance by herself in any way other than in accordance with the content of the Imperial Decree. Her Majesty's granting and prescribing, according to the content of the articles against all princes and the realm in general, to the highest extent prescribed and obligated, neither to be nor to do anything contrary thereto.
For this reason, it cannot be argued, nor can it be justified, that Emperor Wenceslas blessed was also a Roman king, and that Emperor Frederick, of laudable memory, elected Maximilian as king, and that the presumed intention should therefore be justified.
22. But against this it is to be considered that by one or two times imprudence, in the case that against the liberty and justice of the golden bull, as a measured, orderly command, would have been acted, which with other report to indicate, so such imprudence or the imprudence is not able to work so much, that therewith or thereby such liberty and justice of the whole realm, the golden bull, would be violated, abrogated, much less applied, and that the electors thereby would have to act of their own will or interpretation, in such important matters, outside and against the golden bull, for these reasons:
(23) That the succeeding Roman kings and emperors, especially the present reigning Roman emperor, our most gracious lord, may confirm again the oft-mentioned golden bulla and all the freedom and justice of the empire in the most constant and dignified manner. Maj. our most gracious Lord, have confirmed and reaffirmed the oft-mentioned golden bulla and all the freedom and justice of the Empire in the most constant, dignified and powerful manner. To all that the succession of the inheritance of the tribe shall not be desired nor arrogated.
24. as all the above named, and the articles of prescription, which entails handing over one to each Elector.
For this reason, for the reasons mentioned above, it should be considered and heard what the Electors, according to their presumed authority, should do about the measured and orderly command of the Golden Bull, without the knowledge and consent of the other imperial states.
26 Also, what might happen to the division, discord and unrest, harm and diligence among the estates in the Roman Empire from such an action, that they should be related to two lords with oath obligations. Also the oath, which the princes of the empire take, reminds what special assurance of the same, namely those who have been duly and legitimately mentioned, entails, from which they, the electors, would want to be assigned cause and agitation; that would be well to be assessed and assumed.
27 All of which in the friendly opinion of the duty of the Elector of Saxony to Roman Imperial Majesty and the Empire. Maj. and the empire, thus want to have remembered and applied.
28 And because of this, the other six Electors, who on the day named hereafter, all wanted to proceed personally with the election of a Roman king, have, in spite of all the exhortations, indicated as much as they can in order. The Elector of Saxony, through his son, Duke John Frederick, in addition to the plenipotentiary in this most important matter, as Mr. Hans von Mingwitz, Knight, on their written mandate, at the beginning of the ninth and twentieth day of December, which was determined and announced for the election (when they, the six Electors, were together with some and many of their excellent counsels, and assembled and arrived in person for the office of the mass in the chapter house of the high monastery in Cologne, where the Saxons were also appointed), against the same their elector. G. The Saxons, in the presence and appointment of two notaries, have been asked to hand over in writing and read out the same article of exception against the Archbishop of Mainz, Elector and Archchancellor of the Roman Empire in Germania, which has been duly and publicly issued by well-founded, honorable and lawful causes, against the nullity of the Archbishop of Mainz, Elector and Archchancellor of the Roman Empire in Germania, out of unavoidable necessity, as a necessary, unavoidable beginning, this time excipitated and protested.
29. the same conducive also together with the er-
The offer, which was attached to it, was especially handed over to the Roman Imperial Majesty by Duke Frederick of Bavaria, Count Palatine. Majesty by Duke Frederick of Bavaria, Count Palatine, also a special writing and a humble request to their Imperial Majesty for a farewell. Majesty for a farewell.
30 But the articles of the exception and of the petition that had been submitted were refused to be read out publicly by the Electors; therefore the Saxons had the reason to be heard: they did not know how to avoid it, because it had been refused to be read out publicly, to let it be passed on, as was due.
31 Although first of all, before the protestation and exception, the Elector of Brandenburg, on account of all the Electors, indicated on the submitted mandate that it would not be sufficient for the election.
The answer to this was again briefly: it would be sufficiently provided for that H. F. G.'s son, Duke Johann Friedrich, and his deputy would be authorized; for their minds would not be at the election for the aforementioned reasons.
The articles of exception were handed over as reported before, and the protest was made, but not read out publicly.
34 And so the young prince and the skilled advisors of the Elector of Saxony, after the public and accepted farewell, immediately after the protestation, after the early meal, rode out of Cologne at 12 o'clock without danger to the Duke of Jülich, Eleve and Berg, the young duke, Johann Friedrich of Saxony's smith.
The Archbishop of Cologne and Elector was initially not present in person at the holding of the election by the Imperial Majesty, nor was he present at the council meetings. Majesty, nor in the council meetings, but only appeared present on the certain election day that had begun, Dec. 29, but his councilors were present.
Subsequently, the election took place in Cologne over several days, and furthermore, the coronation took place in Aach on January 11, 1531, with all ceremonies in the presence of the Emperor. Maj. bequest.
1194 The Schmalkaldic League for the protection of true Christian religion and what is pending to it, made February 7, 1531 from six years.
See No. 1192.
By the Grace of God, we John, Archmarshall and Elector of the Holy Roman Empire, and John Frederick, father and son, Dukes of Saxony, Landgraves of Thuringia and Margraves of Meissen, Philip, Ernst and Francis, brothers and cousins, all Dukes of Brunswick and Lüneburg, Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, Count of Katzenelnbogen, of Diez, Ziegenhain and Nidda, Wolfgang, Prince of Anhalt, Count of Ascanien, Lord of Berneburg, Gebhardt and Albrecht, brothers, counts and lords of Mansfeld, and mayor, councilman, Jnnungsmeister, council and commonalty of the following named cities of the Upper Netherlands, Saxony and the sea, as Strasbourg, Ulm, Constance, Reutlingen, Memmingen, Lindau, Biberach, Jsni, Lübeck, Magdeburg and Bremen, hereby confess and make known to all men:
1. After the rulers of this time have now and then shown themselves to be careful, swift, and in advance, as if they desired to have those who preach and proclaim the bright, clear, pure, and unmistakable Word of God in their principalities and cities, countries, and territories by grace and bestowal of the Almighty, thereby stopping and changing all kinds of abuses, and to urge by deed and deed of such their Christian purpose, and it is ever the duty of Christian authorities not only to have the holy Word of God proclaimed to their subjects, but also to ensure with all diligence, earnestness and ability that they are not forced or disparaged by the Word of God: Our supreme necessity and the duty of the authorities require that, whether now or in the future, it should happen that someone should try to force us or our subjects, by painting or deed, away from the Word of God and the known truth (which the gracious and merciful God graciously prevents, and we do not want to provide for anyone else), and thus again to prevent the abuses that have been carried out and changed, with all possible diligence.
2. So that such violence may be averted, and the destruction of both body and soul, ours and our subjects, may be prevented: we have dedicated to God Almighty, for the praise and greater prosperity and growth of divine free doctrine, for the awakening and promotion of a Christian, unanimous being and peace, the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation, and all respectability, in addition to common our principalities, cities and regions for good welfare, honor, benefit and piety, solely for the defense and method of salvation, which is not only of natural origin to each of us.
We have determined to unite with and against each other a Christian and friendly mind, and to establish and accept the same, and do so at present in and by virtue of this letter, in measure, form, and shape, as follows:
(3) Namely, that we should and will, in all parts, each faithfully and wholeheartedly mean, hold, and warn the other against harm, and that we should not, publicly or secretly, drag through, advance, or abstain from the other's enemies and repugnants with knowledge.
4. And therefore, this understanding alone is considered as a defense and salvation, and not at all for the reason that someone among us should start a war; if it should happen that some part of us, whoever it might be, should be attacked for the word of God, evangelical doctrine and our holy faith, or for the sake of things that follow from the word of God, evangelical doctrine, and the holy faith, and depend on the same; or if another matter is brought against one of us for a pretence, but we, the others, who are not attacked at this time, may judge that it is primarily for the sake of this word of God that it should be attacked or raped and attacked, or attacked and attacked, and that the same should suffer the others to be justified, that then all of us, the others, in this Christian understanding, and each for himself, as soon as we are informed and understand this by the raped, or otherwise by credible experience, should not let the matter concern us in any other way, than as if each of us were himself attacked, attacked, attacked, and thus his own cause; Then, without delay, each of us, to the best of his ability, shall unexpectedly help, save and rescue the other, the attacked and violated, and shall have and make room for it; How then at any time, according to the opportunity of the trade, by us, the rest, most easily and most fruitfully considered good and serviceable, and our each Christian love and faithfulness, also his own conscience and even welfare will point to it, and thus lead each other the trade faithfully help, also no part without the other's knowledge in some direction, contract or decency leave or go.
(5) This Christian mind of ours is also to be presented to the Imperial Majesty, our most gracious Lord, or to any state of the Holy Roman Empire. Majesty, our most gracious Lord, or to any state of the Holy Roman Empire,
1) In the old edition: "believers".
or anyone else, but solely for the preservation of Christian truth and peace in the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation, and for the removal of unjust violence, for us and our subjects and relatives, undertaken solely in defense and by way of salvation, since each of us, as touched upon above, may give and take right, and nothing else may be meant.
(6) If anyone desires to enter further into this Christian understanding of ours, and was not previously understood therein, who has accepted the holy gospel, he shall be admitted and accepted into it with the knowledge and will of all of us.
7. and this Christian understanding shall begin on this date and last for six years following one another, and shall be carried out and kept by us all, and by each one in particular, faithfully, sincerely, honestly, and without any danger.
8. And even if it were a fact that one would come to war with someone because of the divine word and the cause flowing from it, and that would not be brought to an end before the end of the six years mentioned, nevertheless, that of all parts shall be faithfully persevered in, Nevertheless, regardless of the fact that the specified years have passed and the Christian understanding has come to an end, it shall be faithfully maintained and carried out to the end, and no part shall withdraw or separate itself from it, and this Christian understanding may then, if it pleases the parties, be extended for a longer period.
(9) We the aforesaid princes, counts and councillors of the cities, by our honor, dignity, true words and good faith, do promise and swear, in lieu of an oath, for ourselves and our heirs or descendants 2c.., in and by virtue of this present letter, to hold true, steadfast, firm and unbreakable, to comply and live fully, not to do nor create to be done contrary thereto, in any way nor manner, all honestly, faithfully and safely.
(10) And therefore, for more evidence, security and confirmation, we the above-mentioned Electors, Princes, Counts and Cities have affixed our seals, as we Duke John, Elector, for us, and our son, Duke Frederick of Saxony 2c., and Duke Ernst, for us, and our two brothers, Duke Otten, and Franzen of Lüneburg, do knowingly attach to this letter, and give it on Monday after the Sunday of Invocavit [7 Feb.], after the birth of Christ our dear Lord, one thousand five hundred and one and thirty years.
Luther's, Melanchthon's, and Bugenhagen's Rathschlag on the plot at Schmalkalden. August 1531.
This concern is found in the Altenburg edition, vol. VIII, p. 974; in the Leipzig edition, vol. XX, p. 346; in De Wette, vol. IV, p. 281 and in the Erlangen edition, vol. 54, p. 244. The original is found in the Weimar archive, LkZ. 8, p. 42. From it, Burkhardt, p. 197 lists a large number of important variants that have not yet been used in any edition and are now used here for the first time. In the aforementioned editions, Jonas is erroneously named as the third contributor to this concern. It was Bugenhagen, not Jonas, who participated in the deliberation of this consideration, in that he only reviewed the consideration written by Luther and Melanchthon and added marginal glosses. However, neither De Wette nor Burkhardt has reproduced these. The first two paragraphs are by Melanchthon, the rest is in Luther's handwriting. - We have set the time according to De Wette, who states that this concern is "about the peace negotiations to be held between the Protestant princes and the Electors of Mainz and of the Palatinate in Schmalkalden".
1. In doctrine, according to the Confession, one cannot and shall not depart. For Christ thus saith, "He that confesseth me before men" 2c. For the things we are disputing concern the main body of Christian doctrine; if this is obscured or denied, no one can know what Christ is, and so Christ is blasphemed, and consciences can have no right consolation at all.
2) Whether in ceremonies and customs of freedom something should be given way and yielded, for the sake of peace and love? Whether the bishops should be allowed their jurisdiction and authority over ours? Here some consider that one should not yield anything at all, even in outward liberty. For if one wants to yield something, one should do so for the sake of the brethren. Now the bishops and the opposing party are not brothers, but enemies and wolves, against whom one is obliged to show oneself as enemies again. And especially of the jurisdiction and bishops' power it is considered that, although the bishops would accept us and let us have the doctrine, yet if they persecute the doctrine in their lands and kill our brethren, we should not consider them bishops and brethren.
3) In the first place, it seems to us that it should be well to slacken and soften a little in
outward ceremonies, for the sake of peace. For such union is not with bishops and enemies, but rather with the pious people who dwell among them, and love our doctrine with all their hearts, and are as hostile to their bishops as we are. Thus we ourselves have hitherto written and taught that we hold the ceremonies to be free, which for the sake of peace and love of the brethren, and even of the enemies, where necessity and peace require it, may both be kept and left, as Matt. 5: "He that constraineth thee a mile" 2c. For the fact that we have condemned and changed the ceremonies is not because the ceremonies are all evil, but because they are necessary for salvation, which we cannot yet suffer, nor do we want to suffer eternally. But such a union will be useful to prevent much unhappiness, to avoid many causes of further discord, and to avoid much annoyance among the pious hearts that dwell under the bishop. Sometimes, for the sake of a pious man, one has to do ten reels of good and put a light on the devil. And it is to be considered whether they would charge us that we ourselves wanted to have the ceremonies free, and offered to keep them for the sake of peace, however shameful it would be to deny such, or even want to answer for it. But we speak of such ceremonies, which are set by men and do not strive against God, as if one would unite, as if one would not eat meat in public, that one would keep the solennes ferias and chants; but with the condition that it would not weigh down the consciences, as if they were necessary services. That one may say mass in ordinary garments and chants, except what is unchristian of the saints or contrary to God's word. For even so, it is not at all fitting that everything should be torn apart in this way, without any need, and out of the loud pride of renewal. Nevertheless, a manner and measure must be kept in the church, least of all for the sake of children and simple-minded people. But the Canonem, both small and large, we cannot admit, because in it the service of the saints and applicatio operis operati pro vivis et defunctis stands and is practiced, which is contrary to the faith in Christ.
is unpleasant. We cannot re-establish the private masses, because it is public that they hold and teach as before, that such masses are all applied, as their foundation, seals and letters, as well as their books and customs, are tremendously convincing, and they are working to ensure that such masses remain, to catch and confirm said abuses. But whether they want to pretend that they want to keep the private mass only out of devotion and to report themselves, 1) one cannot believe that it is serious, unless they condemn and reject their letters, seals, both canons and books written about it. And even if they were serious, it is still not right for anyone to report himself, because it is a sacrament and has a ministrum, as little as anyone can baptize himself or call himself to the preaching ministry. Also, they can otherwise use and enjoy the sacrament, and there is no need, nor is there any need, to set up such a dangerous and annoying secondary service, and to create a superstition.
(4) Whether or not they would have us teach that it is right to take and administer one form of the sacrament, as well as to give and take both forms, so that we do not condemn all of Christendom. Here we cannot agree or approve in any way that the bishops may have the right and power to command or forbid one form, nor can such an outrage ever be excused before God, because Christ's and Paul's word clearly stands there, and establishes both forms. Now no man, says St. Paul, should change God's will or do so. But with this we do not want to condemn those who have been forced to take one form and have done so unwillingly, even though they have done wrong; but rather we want to entrust them to God's mercy, who forgives even more and greater sins daily to his afflicted and poor sinners, who can also forgive the sins of his saints. But the bishops are not such poor sinners, because they do not recognize such outrages and violence as sin, but defend them as right and article of faith. Therefore
1) "report" - communiciren.
they have no hope of forgiveness of sin in this, but must be badly damned.
(5) Nor do we like that absolution should come from the church, and that people should go to the sacrament so roughly. And although we do not want to force or compel anyone to confess a mortal sin, nor do we want to oblige them to tell all their sins and torture their consciences, as we do under the pope, there is no reason to suffer that confession should be forbidden and absolution expelled from the church. For there must remain a form and discipline in the church, which cannot be maintained without confession. And if people were not accustomed to respect sin in confession and to wait for absolution or forgiveness, then in time absolution and forgiveness of sin would be completely extinguished and become an unknown thing, and people would run to the sacrament again out of their own devotion, as before. In this way, one must also leave room for the comforting free Gospel, so that it can be said to one person as well as to many. But what is absolution but the gospel told to a single person, who thereby receives consolation for his confessed sin? Thus Christ's example is found in Matth. 9, where he absolves the gout-ridden man individually, and Luc. 7 also absolves Mariam Magdalenam individually.
6th On the other hand, to restitute the jurisdiction of the bishops, because in this also nothing else is sought for peace, methinks that not enough causes are indicated to refuse the jurisdiction altogether, that they are wolves and our enemies. In this case one must take comfort in the fact that in former times the Jews also had to receive the priesthood from Herod and Romans, as Josephus writes, even though Herod also plagued and strangled them. And how did the Bohemians do until now, whom the Pope condemned and persecuted, and yet they had him ordain them priests and took them; and what did the dear prophets have to do and suffer at the time of the kings in Israel, by whom they were also strangled and persecuted, and yet they were obedient and subject to them, as long as it was not against God. Thus Zacharias, John's father, had to suffer from An-
nas and Caiphas received his office. How much more may I accept the jurisdiction of the bishops, because they sit in office and in the place of the apostles, even though they are wolves and rabid, if they do not force us to do against God, but let our doctrine remain. If then the bishops want to leave us the pure doctrine of the Gospel and our priests, our priests shall be subject to them as bishops and not as wolves. Although we cannot think how the bishops might or can do this, that they should leave the pure gospel to us. For in so doing they would have to allow us to condemn their doings publicly in the pulpit and in writings, and to oppose and scare off everything that is contrary to the gospel; which is impossible for them to suffer, for they themselves would gladly perish, and call us to cry out and write against them. Since this is the case, it seems to us to be of great use not to complain about granting jurisdiction to such measures. For in this way we would have the blessing, and they the displeasure, if they did not want to accept the offered jurisdiction, unless the gospel had been denied and condemned by us beforehand. This would also excuse our conscience before God and the world, so that we could not be called schismatics, and all their arguments would be dispelled, since they claim that they have the possessorium and the tradition, and sit in the place of the apostles. But where we are completely opposed to the jurisdiction, they are in disfavor, and we are in disfavor, since they do not want to give way in any small way. So there is no driving here. For if they grant us the free gospel, as is not possible, they have got bad things in the ceremonies and jurisdiction which we grant against the gospel which they grant us. What would I have to do if I were among the murderers? I would have to be a prisoner and a servant, and yet not do against God, as St. Paul was a gardener under King Attila, and yet had not lost his bishopric, nor left it. So there is nothing more here than an external prison, if we were to accept and suffer jurisdiction in such a way, and yet not forsake the Gospel.
gelium freely against them. Truly, I fear that with such a refusal of jurisdiction we stand in the light for ourselves, and grasp and secure things too surely with reason beforehand; just as if God should not also be able to do something in this, more and differently than we believe or think, since the things are his own, and he will also do better for it, as has happened up to now, than we, if we can only trust him.
7 If the bishops would henceforth take the matrimonial cases to themselves to judge, we would not only not complain, but also consider it cheerfully and willingly, because it is a laborious and dangerous work, and perhaps in the future we would like to pronounce as unjust a judgment as they do, because the time is almost swift, and may still become swifter, with the spirits of the rotten, and many other heavy trades; therefore we would like to lay aside what we can. For we have enough to do without that. For what we have taught and said about the degrees, we have not done to establish laws or new rights, but to comfort and secure the consciences of those who are not sufficiently assured by the dispensation of the pope, or who are otherwise burdened by such rights, so that they do not think they have to break such marriages before God, and to listen to one another for the sake of man's command. For our teaching is always directed to the captive, confused, afflicted consciences, so that they may be granted such Christian teaching and freedom. We do not give anything to the raw rabble, but throw them fresh under the strictest laws and let them stay under them, and do not call them to make a right out of our comfort and freedom, ne libertas [in]1 ) occasionem eorum detur.
8 Although we do not wish to complain to Our Lord's conscience that his Electorate is not in power. H.'s conscience that his Electoral Grace has taken some goods from monastery estates. Gn. took some goods from monastery estates. Since this is publicly known, that this time therefore all church matters and affairs are on his electoral grace's neck, and treasonable. and great cost and effort have been expended on them, and yet he has not been guilty of taking any of his own goods.
1) We added this "in" after Gal. 5,13. There it says: in oeeasionkm earnis.
The first step is the creation of a new church. For this reason, according to the Gospel, his Lordship is due a refund. Paul says in 1 Cor. 9: "Who ever travels on his own fare?" and Christ in Matth. 10: "A laborer is worth his wages. In addition, many parishes and preachers' chairs still have to be appointed from common castes. As some parish priests are endowed on such estates. However, it seems good to us that we should be careful about such
For the sake of our being, we are not very much barred. And if the clergy were so hard to be appointed that they were allowed to eat and drink in their God's name, but except for the first part, that they did not teach or live contrary to the gospel, nor did they reestablish their blasphemous church services. For where they would reprove and do this, they are not to be tolerated nor suffered, and even if they would be appointed, we cannot consent to it.